The History of the City of Fredericksburg, Virginia/Chapter 1

HISTORY

OF THE

FROM ITS

Settlement to the Present Time

CHAPTER I

In what year the white man first set his foot upon the present site of Fredericksburg is not certainly known. The mind of man, of the present generation, does not run back to that time, and if the first white visitor to the place thought it of sufficient importance to make a note of it that note was not preserved; or, if it was, it is unknown to the present inhabitants of the town, unless that visitor was Captain John Smith.

It is stated that after John Smith was captured by the Indians, while on his trip exploring the Chickahominy, his captors marched him through the country, amid great rejoicing, visiting the Indian towns on the Pamunkey, Mattapony, Piankitank, Rappahannock and Potomac rivers, but it is not stated that he was taken as high up the Rappahannock as the falls. This trip through the country, however, while it was attended with hideous yells, cheers and all sorts of mournful noises by the excited throng, gave John Smith some idea of the rich and fertile valleys, the beautiful rivers that flowed from the mountains, and a desire to explore them if he should be fortunate enough to get back to the English settlement alive.

For soon after his release, in writing of the discoveries, having already explored the Chesapeake bay, he says: "There is but one entrance by sea into this country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly bay, the wideness whereof is near eighteen or twenty miles. The cape on the south is called Cape Henry, in honor of our most noble Prince. The show of the land there is a white hilly sand like unto the Downes, and along the shores great plenty of pines and firs. The north cape is called Cape Charles, in honor of the worthy Duke of York.

"Within is a country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa or America and for large and pleasant navigable rivers, heaven and earth never agreed better to frame a place for man's habitation, being of our constitutions, were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are mountains, hills, plains, valleys, rivers and brooks, all running most pleasantly to a fair bay, compassed, but for the mouth, with fruitful and delightsome land. In the bay and rivers are many isles, both great and small, some woody, some plain, most of them low and not inhabited. This bay lies north and south, in which the water flows near two hundred miles and has a channel for one hundred and forty miles of depth betwixt seven and fifteen fathoms, holding in breadth, for the most part, ten or fifteen miles. From the head of the bay at the north, the land is mountainous, and so in a manner from thence by a southwest line. So that the more southward, the further off from the bay are those mountains, from which fall certain brooks, which after come to five principal navigable rivers. These run from the northwest into the southeast, and so into the west side of the bay, where the fall of every' river is within twenty or fifteen miles one of another."

Early in the year of 1608, his life having been saved by Pocahontas, John Smith made a number of trips, exploring the rivers of this section of Virginia, entered the mouth of the Rappahannock and, but for an accident that befell him, might have continued his trip to the falls.

They found fish in abundance in all the streams and, "near the

View of Fredericksburg from Marye's Mansion, showing ground charged over by Federals in battle 1862, Confederate line at fence.

(See page 91)

View of Fredericksburg from Stafford Heights, where Federal guns were located in 1862, showing the old Scott bridge.

(See page 171)

mouth of the Rappahannock, Smith plunged his sword into a singular fish like a 'thornback,' with a long tail and from it a poisoned sting. In taking it off it drove the sting into his wrist, producing a torturing pain, and in a few hours the whole hand, arm and shoulder had swollen so fearfully that death seemed inevitable. He pointed out a place for his grave, and his men, with heavy hearts, prepared it. But Dr. Russell applied the probe and used an oil with such success that Smith was soon well and ate a part of the same fish for supper."

Some writers contend that it was while on this trip that Smith came up the Rappahannock to the falls and had a battle with the Indians, but this is a mistake. This trip was commenced on the 20th of June, 1608, and it was directly after entering the mouth of the river that he saw so many fish in the clear stream and caught one on the point of his sword; for Russell, the physician, who accompanied him, says after Smith was thought to have been fatally poisoned, "having neither surgeon or surgery, but that preservative oil, we presently set sail for Jamestown. Passing the mouth of the Piankatank and Pamunkey rivers, the next day we safely arrived at Kecaughtan." If Smith had been very far up the Rappahannock he could not have passed the mouth of these two rivers the next day.

The voyage that Smith made, during which he explored the Rappahannock river to the falls, was commenced on the 24th of July, more than a month after he entered the mouth of the river and was stung by the fish which turned him back. As this trip up the river is of great interest, being the first made by white men, it is here given in full as narrated by Anthony Bagnall, Powell and Todkill, Smith's companions, who wrote it down at the time. They say:

"In the discovery of this river, that some called Rappahannock, we were kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund. Here we encountered our old friend Mosco, a lusty savage of Wighconisco, upon the river Patawomeck [Potomac]. We supposed him some Frenchman's son because he had a thick, black, bushy, beard, and the savages seldom have any at all, of which he was not a little proud to see so many of his countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch us, guide us any whether; nay, cause divers of his countrymen help us tow against wind or tide from place to place till we came to Patawomeck.

"The next morning we went up the river, [Rappahannock] and our friend Mosco followed us along the shore, and at last desired to go with us in our boat. But, as we passed by Pisacack, Matchopeak and Mecuppom, three towns situated upon high white cliffs; the other side all a low plain marsh, and the river there but narrow, thirty or forty of the Rapahanocks had so accommodated themselves with branches, as we took them for little bushes growing among the sedge, till seeing their arrows strike the targets and drop in the river; whereat Mosco fell flat in the boat on his face, crying, the Rapahanocks, which presently we espide to be the bushes, which, at our first volley fell down in the sedge: when we were near half a mile from them, they showed themselves dancing and singing very merrily.

"The kings of Pessassack, Nandtaughtacund and Cultatawoman, used us kindly, and all their people neglected not anything to Mosco to bring us to them.

"Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small isle or two which cause the river to be broader than ordinary; there it pleased God to take one of our company called Master Fetherstone [Richard Fetherstone, Gent.], that all the time he had been in this country, had behaved himself honestly, valiantly and industriously; where in a little bay, called Fetherstone's bay, we buried him with a volly of shot: the rest, not withstanding their ill diet and bad lodging crowded in so small a barge, in so many dangers, never resting, but always tossed to and again, had all well recovered their healths.

"The next day we sailed so high as our boat would float; there setting up crosses and graving our names in the trees. Our sentinel saw an arrow fall by him, though we had ranged up and down more than an hour, in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs and springs, not seeing where a savage could well hide himself.

"Upon the alarm, by that we had recovered our arms there was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their arrows so fast as they could; the trees here served us as baricades as well as they. But Mosco did us more service than we expected; for having shot away his quiver of arrows he ran to the boat for more. The arrows of Mosco at the first made them pause upon the matter, thinking by his bruit and skipping, there were many savages. About half an hour this continued, then they all vanished as suddenly as they approached. Mosco followed them so far as he could see us, till they were out of sight. As we returned there lay a savage as dead, shot in the knee; but taking him up we found he had life: which Mosco seeing, never was dog more furious against a bear, than Mosco was to beat out his brains. So we had him to our boat where our Chirurgian [A. Bagnall], who went with us to cure our Captain's hurt of the stingray, so dressed this savage that within an hour after he looked somewhat cheerfully and did eat and speak. In the mean time we contented Mosco in helping him to gather up their arrows, which were an armful; whereof he gloried not a little.

"Then we desired Mosco to know what he was and what countries were beyond the mountains; the poor savage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hassininga, where there are three kings more, like unto them, namely the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxsintania and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to Mohaskahod, which is only a hunting town, and the bounds betwixt the Kingdom of the Mannahocks and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we were.

"We demanded why they came in that manner to betray us, that came to them in peace and to seek their loves; he answered, they heard we were a people come from under the world, to take their world from them.

"We asked him how many worlds he did know; he replied, he knew no more but that which was under the sky that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with the Monacans and the Massawomeks that were higher up in the mountains.

"Then we asked him what was beyond the mountains, he answered the sun; but of anything else he knew nothing because the woods were not burnt. [A foot note says 'they cannot travel but where the woods are burnt.']

"These and many such questions were demanded concerning the Massawomecks, the Monacans, their own country and where were the kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania and the rest. The Monacans, he said, were their neighbors and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly countries by small rivers, living upon roots and fruits, but chiefly by hunting. The Massawomeks did well upon a great water, and had many boats, and so many men that they made war with all the world. For their kings, they were gone every one a several way with their men on hunting. But those with him came thither a fishing till they saw us, notwithstanding they would be all together at night at Mahaskahod.

"For his relation we gave him many toys, with persuations to go with us: and he as earnestly desired us to stay the coming of those kings that for his good usage should be friends with us, for he was brother to Hassininga. But Mosco advised us presently to be gone, for they were all naught; yet we told him we would not till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain what came, and Mosco was as dilligent in triming his arrows.

"The night being come we all embarked, for the river was so narrow, had it been light the land on the one side was so high they might have done us exceeding much mischief. All this while the King of Hassininga was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time what to do. But by their spies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we heard their arrows dropping on every side the boat; we caused our savages to call unto them, but such a yelling and hallowing they made that they heard nothing, but now and then [we shot off] a piece, aiming so near as we could where we heard the most voices. Moor than twelve miles they followed us in this manner; then the day appearing, we found ourselves in a broad bay out of danger of their shot, where we came to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them till the sun was risen.

"Being well refreshed, we untied our targets that covered us as a deck, and all showed ourselves with those shields on our arms, and swords in our hands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck. A long discourse there was betwixt his countrymen and him, how good we were, how well we used him, how we had a Patawomek with us [who] loved us as his life that would have slain him had we not preserved him, and that he should have his liberty would they be his friends; and to do us any hurt it was impossible.

"Upon this they all hung their bows and quivers upon the trees, and one came swiming aboard us with a bow tied on his head, and another with a quiver of arrows, which they delivered our Captain as a present: the Captain having used them so kindly as he could told them the other three Kings should do the like, and then the great King of our world should be their friend; whose men we were. It was no sooner demanded than performed, so upon a low moorish point of land we went to the shore, where those four Kings came and received Amoroleck: nothing they had but bows, arrows, tobacco-bags and pipes: when we desired, none refused to give us, wondering at everything we had, and heard we had done: Our pistols they took for pipes, which they much desired, but we did content them with other commodities. And so we left four or five hundred of our merry Mannahocks singing, dancing and making merry and set sale for Moraughtacund.

"In our returns we visited all our friends, that rejoiced much at our victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had wars also with them, but now they were friends; and desired we should be friends with the Rapahanocks. Our Captain told them, they had twice assaulted him that came only in love to do them good, and, therefore, now he would burn all their houses, destroy their corn, and forever hold them his enemies till they made him satisfaction. They desired to know what that should be. He told them they should present him the King's bow and arrows, and not offer to come armed where he was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds, his friends, and give him their King's son in pledge to perform it; and then all King James and his men should be their friends. Upon this they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meet him at the place where they first fought where would be the Kings of Nantantacund and Pissassac: which according to their promise were there so soon as we; where Rapahanock presented his bow and arrows, and confirmed all we desired, except his son, having no more but him he could not live without him, but instead of his son he would give him the three women Moraughtacund had stolen. This was accepted: and so in three or four canoes so many as could went with us to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such relations, and gave to his friends so many bows and arrows, that they no less loved him than admired us. The three women were brought our Captain, to each he gave a chain of beads: and then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco and Rapahanock stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loved best, and Moraughtacund choose next, and to Mosco he gave the third. Upon this away went their canoes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision they could; and they that wanted boats swam over the river. The dark [darkness] commanded us then to rest.

"The next day there was of men, women and children, as we conjectured, six or seven hundred, dancing and singing; and not a bow nor arrow seen amongst them. Mosco changed his name to Uttasantasough, which we interpret stranger, for so they call us. All promising ever to be our friends and to plant corn purposely for us; and we to provide hatchets, beads and copper for them, we departed; giving them a volley of shot, and they us as loud shouts and cries as their strenghs could utter."

This account of Capt. Smith's exploration of the Rappahannock river, and the country bordering on the stream is highly interesting for three reasons. It shows beyond dispute, we think, that Capt. Smith and his little band were the first white men to tread the soil where is now located the city of Fredericksburg. It gives us a complete history of the voyage, so that we may become his travelling companions as he ascends the river, encounters the Indians, prospects for gold and other rich deposits in the earth about the falls; also as he descends the river and calls the Indian kings together, makes friends of them, settles differences between them and their tribes and sails out of the river loaded with provisions, carrying with him their promise that they will raise more for him in the future. It gives us the names of many of the tribes of Indians, on the Rappahannock, their kings, towns and other places, so that we may look at his map of Virginia and locate many of them. It informs us that Richard Fetherstone, who accompanied Smith, was taken sick and died while he was here and was buried in the vicinity of Fredericksburg, he being the first white man to find sepulture in this part of Virginia.

The locations of the following places, found on Smith's map of Virginia, and mentioned in this work, will be of interest to many, and especially to those who are familiar with the country. They seem to be located as follows: Secobeck was just west of the city's almshouse; Massauteck was located just back of Chatham; Fetherstone's bay is in Stafford, opposite the upper end of Hunter's Island; Accoqueck was near R. Innis Taylor's residence; Sockbeck was in the neighborhood of J. Bowie Gray's; Anasheroans were about Moss Neck; King Nandtaughtacund lived near Port Royal; King Cultatawoman was located in Stafford, just below Snowdon; King Pissassack was located in Westmoreland county, near Leedstown; King Tapahanock lived in the upper part of Lancaster county; Mahakahod was about the line of Stafford and Culpeper counties; Hassininga was about Indian Town in Orange county; Stegara was in the upper part of Orange, on the Rapid Ann river; and Tauxuntania was located near the foot of the Blue Ridge mountains.

The several towns at and near the falls of the river made it a general rendezvous of all tribes for this part of Virginia. It was a favorite place at which to meet for hunting, fishing and other sports, as was the case when Smith reached here. It is more than probable that the beautiful and fascinating Pocahontas, who saved the life of John Smith and who captivated the bold and fearless Rolfe, spent some time at this point, in her journeyings, resting here and feasting her youthful eyes upon the magnificent scenery of the Rappahannock falls, and engaging in the sports and pastimes of her distinguished father's subjects.

We are told that in 1611 she was entrusted by her father, Powhatan, to Chief Japazaws, who carried her to his home on the Potomac river, where she lived some time in retirement—that is, away from the stirring scenes around Jamestown. It is not, therefore, unreasonable to suppose that much of the time she was with Japazaws was spent at this point, the favorite gathering place of all the tribes at the different seasons of the year.

Why Pocahontas left her home for the protection of Japazaws is not positively known. Howe thinks Powhatan was preparing for a great war with the new settlers and wanted to get his daughter away from danger and the exposure and discomfort that would result from such a conflict. Stith gives no reason, "except it was to withdraw herself from being a witness to the frequent butcheries of the English, whose folly and rashness, after Smith's departure, put it out of her power to save them."

In the year 1612 Capt. Argall took a trip up the Potomac in search of corn and other supplies for the English settlers, fell in with the old chief and purchased the young princess from him, the price agreed upon being a copper kettle, which was readily given. This prize Argall took to Jamestown, where he hoped to receive a considerable sum from Powhatan for her redemption, but the old King became very angry and refused to pay anything, but declared he preferred to fight for her. The young princess afterwards married Capt. John Rolfe.

At what time the first settlement was made at Fredericksburg is unknown, but it must have been at a very early date. It is more than likely that it was one of the many plantations that dotted the banks of our principal rivers in the early settlement of the country, for, in 1622, John Smith proposed to the London Company "to protect all their planters from the James to the Potomac" which territory must have included one or more plantations on the Rappahannock river, because it lies immediately between the James and Potomac rivers and is the largest stream between those two rivers. And if there was a plantation on the Rappahannock it was, no doubt, in the neighborhood of Fredericksburg. John Smith had visited the place twelve years before and had found it "beautiful and inviting" and an excellent place for a settlement, and possibly he recommended and procured the location of a plantation in this vicinity.

But, whether or not this supposition be true, we know that the Rappahannock falls some years afterwards became a point of considerable interest and steps were taken to fortify and defend it; and for that purpose a fort was ordered to be built here in 1676 to protect settlers from the incursions of the Indians, who continued troublesome, which was garrisoned by quite a number of men. "At a grand assemblie held at James cittie, between the 20th of September, 1674, and the 17th of March, 1675," it was ordered that "One hundred and eleven men out of Gloucester be garrisoned at one ffort or place of defence, at or near the ffalls of Rappahannock River, of which ffort Major Lawrence Smith to be Captain or Chiefe Commander," and that the fort be furnished with "ffour hundred and eighty pounds of powder and ffourteen hundred and fforty three pounds of Shott."

This fort, it seems, was not constructed that year, but in 1679, Major Lawrence Smith, upon his own suggestion, was authorized to settle or "seate down at or near said fort by the last day of March, 1681," which we are informed he did, and to have in readiness, on all occasions at the beating of a drum, fifty able men, well armed, with sufficient ammunition, and two hundred more within the space of a mile along the river, prepared always to march twenty miles in any direction from the fort; and it was stipulated that should they be obliged to go more than twenty miles distance, they were to be paid for their time thus employed at the rate paid to other "soulders." He was also empowered "to execute Martiall discipline" among the fifty "souldiers so put in arms," both in times of war and peace, and with "two others of said privileged place," he was to hear and determine all cases, civil and criminal, that should arise in said limits, as a county court might do, and to make by-laws for the same. These military settlers were privileged from arrest for any debts except those due the King and those contracted among themselves, and were free from taxes and levies except from those laid within their own limits.

This fort was not named by the act authorizing its construction, and if any was given it after its completion, it does not appear in the histories or records at our disposal. It is quite likely it had some designation, if nothing more than the Rappahannock fort—Smith's fort on the Rapphannock—and it may have been known by one or the other until the place was laid out for a town and received its present name. Or it may have been known as "The Lease Land," the designation it had when it was incorporated forty-six years afterwards.

It has been sugggstedsuggested [sic], and believed by some few to be true, that this fort was built at Germanna, about eighteen miles above the Rappahannock falls, but this claim cannot be maintained. It is known that all of these plantations and military stations were located on navigable rivers and were reached and communicated with mostly, if not exclusively, by sail vessels, and it is not reasonable to suppose that this fort was located eighteen miles above tidewater, where it could not be reached by such vessels. In addition to this objection, it may be added that the "gallant cavalier, Governor Spotswood, at the head of the chivalry of Virginia," never made his dash above the falls to the "blue ridge of mountains" until the year 1720 [1716 is the correct date], nearly fifty years after the construction of the fort at or near the falls.

Besides this, Governor Spotswood did not come to Virginia as Governor until the year 1710. After coming to this country he became possessed of lands on the Rappahannock, at the mouth of Massaponax run, and from there up the ridge, west of Fredericksburg, to the Rapidan river at Germanna. We do not know when he became possessed of these lands, but it is known that he built a wharf near the mouth of Massaponax run and opened the ridge road from there to Germanna, now called Mine Road, over which he hauled his iron ore for shipment. And so it was said, and it was true, that he could go from his wharf on the Rappahannock to Germanna on the Rapidan on his own lands without crossing a stream.

Germanna was settled in April, 1714, thirty-eight years after this fort was built and thirty-four years before Governor Spots-

The Free Bridge over the Rappahannock River to Stafford Heights.

(See page 171)

The City Court House and Clerk's Office.

(See page 142)

wood came to Virginia. It was settled by twelve German families, who had been induced by Governor Spotswood to come over from Germany to develop the iron and silver mines he desired opened on his land, recently acquired by him, several miles above the falls. These were the first iron mines opened and operated in this new country, and being the first worker in iron gave him the honorable appellation of the "Tubal Cain of America."

It has been a tradition held by some that the Germans, who settled Germanna, came to this country as paupers, and when they landed at Tappahannock, where their vessel anchored, they were unable to pay their passage and were virtually sold to Governor Spotswood for a term of years, he to pay the passage money and furnish the land upon which they were to settle. It is further said that he induced them to settle on the river, above Fredericksburg, where they built small huts, called the place Germanna and opened the mines which proved so remunerative to the Governor.

Much of this statement, however, is denied by the descendants of these pioneers, who resent the charge of pauperism and show that these first settlers were men of education, were skilled miners, and that they came to this country under contract with Governor Spotswood, bringing with them letters of commendation from gentlemen of influence and official position.

From a paper prepared, and left to posterity, by Rev. James Kemper, a grandson of the emigrant, John Kemper, we are able to cull some interesting facts connected with these people, who became neighbors and friends of the early settlers of Fredericksburg, and many of whose descendants are now among us.

These Germans "did not 'happen' to come to Virginia, but came upon the invitation of the Baron de Graffureid, who was a friend to Governor Spotswood, and for the express purpose of developing the iron ore deposits discovered by the latter upon his lands in the present county of Spotsylvania. These people came from the town of Müsen, which was then in the old province of Nassau Siegen, Westphalia, Germany. At Müsen there is an iron mine which has been worked since the early part of the fourteenth century, and is operated to this day. They were skilled workers in iron and steel from the Müsen mines and built the old furnace in Spotsylvania county."

These pioneers remained at Germanna until about 1720, when, owing to some difference with Governor Spotswood, they removed to what is now Fauquier county, then Stafford, later Prince William, and in 1759 the portion they settled became Fauquier. They settled about nine miles south of Warrenton on a small stream called Licking Run and named the place Germantown—thus keeping up the German identity,—which is one mile north of Madison station on the Southern railroad.

Rev. James Kemper, in the paper referred to, says the first year they were in Germantown they "packed all of their provisions from Fredericksburg on their heads and raised their first crop with their hoes, in both of which the women bore a part." This shows that the village, afterwards called Fredericksburg, was the trading place of the country above the falls at that period.

The names of the twelve men who, with their families, settled Germanna, are John Kemper, John Huffman, Jacob Holtzclaw, Tillman Weaver, John Fishback, Harman Fishback, Harman Utterback, John Joseph Martin, Peter Hitt, Jacob Coons, Wayman and  Hanback. The Rev. Henry Hagen was their minister.

These people were picked men for a special purpose, to do that which no one then in Virginia could do—manufacture iron. Their descendants are scattered all over this country and have filled high positions in the Army and Navy, as well as in State and Church. They did two things worthy of note: They laid the foundation of the German Reformed Church in the United States, and also the iron and steel industry, which now requires billions of dollars to carry on successfully, and both of these were done at Germanna, in Spotsylvania county, Virginia.

It has also been contended that the fort, built near the falls of the Rappahannock river, was constructed on the north side of the river and that the place where Falmouth now stands was the center of the military district. This assertion is not substantiated by any record we have seen, and we are not prepared, in the absence of proof, to accept it.

There are two reasons which may be given which, we think, will show that the site of Falmouth would have been an improper and unsafe location for the fort, both of which would have suggested themselves to the constructors of the fort. One is, that the place is on the bend of the river and is surrounded by high hills, now known as Stafford Heights. From the crest of these hills the fort could have been attacked by the enemy and captured by any small force. And if it had not been captured the elevation would have given the Indians great advantage over the garrison, making their arrows very effective. To have placed the fort on either one of the high hills would have thrown the garrison too far from the river to protect their sail vessels, and in case they had been compelled to give up the fort they could not have reached their vessels in the river, which, in the past, had proved a safer refuge than the poorly constructed forts of that day.

The other reason is, that to have constructed the fort on the north side of the river would have placed the almost impassable Rappahannock between the garrison and their remote friends on the south side, from whom alone they could look for relief in case they had been besieged, or if they had been compelled to retreat.

For these reasons, if for no other, we are satisfied that the fort was not located on the north side of the river, but on the south side and in the vicinity of where Fredericksburg now stands.

But this author, in speaking of the fort, says "not one stone or brick of the fort is left on another, but the terraces on the long hill back of the riverside houses still bear traces of ancient work." But this does not prove the contention.

It should be remembered that forts were not constructed in those times of stones and bricks, nor even of earthen walls, as they have since been, but of wooden poles or logs, and very temporary at that. John Fontaine gives a minute description of the fort built by the Germans at Germanna in the year 1714, which will help us to understand what a fort was in those days.

"We walked about the town, which is palisaded with stakes stuck in the ground, and laid close the one to the other, and of substance to bear out a mussket-shot. There are but nine families, and they have nine houses, built all in a line; and before every house, about twenty feet distant from it, they have small sheds built for their hogs and hens, so that the hog-sties and houses make a street. The place that is poled in is a pentagon, very regularly laid out; and in the very center there is a block-house, made with five sides, which answer to the five sides of the great enclosure; there are loop holes through it, from which you may see all the inside of the enclosure. This was intended for a retreat for the people, in case they were not able to defend the palisadoes, if attacked by the Indians." Col. Byrd, in 1733, called this a fort.