The History of England from the Accession of James II/Notes to Volume II

↑ Avaux Neg., Aug. 6/16 1685; Despatch of Citters and his colleagues, enclosing the treaty, Aug. Lewis to Barillon, Aug. 14/24.

↑ Instructions headed, "For my son the Prince of Wales, 1692," in the Stuart Papers.

↑ "The Habeas Corpus," said Johnson, the most bigoted of Tories, to Boswell, "is the single advantage which our government has over that of other countries."

↑ See the Historical Records of Regiments, published under the supervision of the Adjutant General.

↑ Barillon, Dec. 3/13 1685. He had studied the subject much. "C'est un detail," he says, "dont j'ai connoissance." it appears from the Treasury Warrant Book that the charge of the army for the year 1687 was first of January at 623,104l. 9s. 11d.

↑ Burnet, i. 447.

↑ Tillotson's Sermon, preached before the House of Commons, Nov. 5. 1678.

↑ Locke, First Letter on Toleration.

↑ Council Book. The erasure is dated Oct. 21. 1685. Halifax to Chesterfield; Barillon, Oct. 19/29.

↑ Barillon, Oct. 26/Nov. 5. 1685; Lewis to Barillon, Oct. 27 / Nov. 6. Nov. 6/16.

↑ There is a remarkable account of the first appearance of the symptoms of discontent among the Tories in a letter of Halifax to Chesterfield, written in October, 1685. Burnet, i. 684.

↑ The contemporary tracts in various languages on the subject of this persecution are innumerable. An eminently clear, terse, and spirited summary will be found in Voltaire's Siecle de Louis XIV.

↑ "Misionarios embotados," says Ronquillo. "Apostoli armati," says Innocent. There is, in the Mackintosh Collection, a remarkable letter on this subject from Ronquillo, dated March 26./April 5. 1686 See Venier, Relatione di Francia, 1689, quoted by Professor Ranke in his Romische Papste, book viii.

↑ "Mi dicono che tutti questi parlamentarii no hanno voluto copia, il che assolutamente avra causate pessime impressioni."-- Adda, Nov. 9/13. 1685. See Evelyn's Diary, Nov. 3.

↑ Lords' Journals, Nov. 9. 1685. "Vengo assicurato," says Adda, "che S. M. stessa abbia composto il discorso."--Despatch of Nov. 16/26 1685.

↑ Commons' Journals; Bramston's Memoirs; James von Leeuwen to the States General, Nov. 10/20 1685. Leeuwen was secretary of the Dutch embassy, and conducted the correspondence in the absence of Citters. As to Clarges, see Burnet, i. 98.

<li>↑ Barillon, Nov. 16/26. 1685.

<li>↑ Dodd's Church History, Leeuwen, Nov. 17/27 1685; Barillon, Dec. 24. 1685. Barillon says of Adda, "On l'avoit fait prevenir que la surete et l'avantage des Catholiques consistoient dans une reunion entiere de sa Majeste Britannique et de son parlement." Letters of Innocent to James, dated July 27/Aug. 8 and Sept. 23 / Oct. 3. 1685; Despatches of Adda, Nov. 9/19. and Nov. 1685. The very interesting correspondence of Adda, copied from the Papal archives, is in the British Museum; Additional MSS. No. 15395.

<li>↑ The most remarkable despatch bears date the 9/19th of November 1685, and will be found in the Appendix to Mr. Fox's History.

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Nov. 12. 1685; Leeuwen, Nov.; Barillon, Nov. 16/26.; Sir John Bramston's Memoirs. The best report of the debates of the Commons in November, 1685, is one of which the history is somewhat curious. There are two manuscript copies of it in the British Museum, Harl. 7187.; Lans. 253. In these copies the names of the speakers are given at length. The author of the Life of James published in 1702 transcribed this report, but gave only the initials, of the speakers. The editors of Chandler's Debates and of the Parliamentary History guessed from these initials at the names, and sometimes guessed wrong. They ascribe to Wailer a very remarkable speech, which will hereafter be mentioned, and which was really made by Windham, member for Salisbury. It was with some concern that I found myself forced to give up the belief that the last words uttered in public by Waller were so honourable to him.

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Nov. 13. 1685; Bramston's Memoirs; Reresby's Memoirs; Barillon, Nov. 16/26.; Leeuwen, Nov. 13/23.; Memoirs of Sir Stephen Fox, 1717; The Case of the Church of England fairly stated; Burnet, i. 666. and Speaker Onslow's note.

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Nov. 1685; Harl. MS. 7187.; Lans. MS.

<li>↑ The conflict of testimony on this subject is most extraordinary; and, after long consideration, I must own that the balance seems to me to be exactly poised. In the Life of James (1702), the motion is represented as a court motion. This account is confirmed by a remarkable passage in the Stuart Papers, which was corrected by the Pretender himself. (Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 55.) On the other hand, Reresby, who was present, and Barillon, who ought to have been well informed, represent the motion as an opposition motion. The Harleian and Lansdowne manuscripts differ in the single word on which the whole depends. Unfortunately Bramston was not at the House that day. James Van Leeuwen mentions the motion and the division, but does not add a word which can throw the smallest light on the state of parties. I must own myself unable to draw with confidence any inference from the names of the tellers, Sir Joseph Williamson and Sir Francis Russell for the majority, and Lord Ancram and Sir Henry Goodricke for the minority. I should have thought Lord Ancram likely to go with the court, and Sir Henry Goodricke likely to go with the opposition.

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Nov. 16. 1685 Harl. MS. 7187.; Lans. MS. 235.

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Nov. 17, 18. 1685.

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Nov. 18. 1685; Harl. MS. 7187.; Lans. MS. 253.; Burnet, i. 667.

<li>↑ Lonsdale's Memoirs. Burnet tells us (i. 667.) that a sharp debate about elections took place in the House of Commons after Coke's committal. It must therefore have been on the 19th of November; for Coke was committed late on the 18th, and the Parliament was prorogued on the 20th. Burnet's narrative is confirmed by the Journals, from which it appears that several elections were under discussion on the 19th.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 560.; Funeral Sermon of the Duke of Devonshire, preached by Kennet, 1708; Travels of Cosmo III. in England.

<li>↑ Bramston's Memoirs. Burnet is incorrect both as to the time when the remark was made and as to the person who made it. In Halifax's Letter to a Dissenter will be found a remarkable allusion to this discussion.

<li>↑ Wood, Ath. Ox.; Gooch's Funeral Sermon on Bishop Compton.

<li>↑ Teonge's Diary.

<li>↑ Barillon has given the best account of this debate. I will extract his report of Mordaunt's speech. "Milord Mordaunt, quoique jeune, parla avec eloquence et force. Il dit que la question n'etoit pas reduite, comme la Chambre des Communes le pretendoit, a guerir des jalousies et defiances, qui avoient lieu dans les choses incertaines; mais que ce qui ce passoit ne l'etoit pas, qu'il y avoit une armee sur pied qui subsistoit, et qui etoit remplie d'officiers Catholiques, qui ne pouvoit etre conservee que pour le renversement des loix, et que la subsistance de l'armee, quand il n'y a aucune guerre ni au dedans ni au dehors, etoit l'etablissement du gouvernement arbitraire, pour lequel les Anglois ont une aversion si bien fondee."

<li>↑ He was very easily moved to tears. "He could not," says the author of the Panegyric, "refrain from weeping on bold affronts." And again "They talk of his hectoring and proud carriage; what could be more humble than for a man in his great post to cry and sob?" In the answer to the Panegyric it is said that "his having no command of his tears spoiled him for a hypocrite."

<li>↑ Lords' Journals, Nov. 19. 1685; Barillon, Nov. 23 / Dec. 3. Dutch Despatch, Nov. 20/30.; Luttrell's Diary, Nov. 19.; Burnet, i. 665. The closing speeds of Halifax is mentioned by the Nuncio in his despatch of Nov. 16/26. Adda, about a month later, hears strong testimony to Halifax's powers,

"Da questo uomo che ha gran credito nel parlamento, e grande eloquenza, non si possono attendere che fiere contradizioni, e nel parlito Regio non vi e un uomo da contrapporsi." Dec. 21/31.

<li>↑ Lords' and Commons' Journals, Nov. 20. 1685.

<li>↑ Lords' Journals, Nov. 11. 17, 18. 1685.

<li>↑ Burnet i, 646.

<li>↑ Bramston's Memoirs; Luttrell's Diary.

<li>↑ The trial in the Collection of State Trials; Bramston's Memoirs Burnet, 1. 647.; Lords' Journals, Dec. 20. 1689.

<li>↑ Lords' Journals, Nov. 9, to. 16. 1685.

<li>↑ Speech on the Corruption of the Judges in Lord Delamere's works, 1694.

<li>↑ Fu una funzione piena di gravita, di ordine, e di gran speciosita. Adda, Jan. 15/25. 1686.

<li>↑ The Trial is in the Collection of State Trials. Leeuwen, Jan. 15/25. 19/29. 1686.

<li>↑ Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Jan. 15. 1686.

<li>↑ Lewis to Barillon, Feb. 10/20 1685/6.

<li>↑ Evelyn's Diary, Oct. 2. 1685.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 9., Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Leeuwen, Jan. 1/11 and 12/22 1686. Her letter, though very long and very absurd, was thought worth sending to the States General as a sign of the times.

<li>↑ See his trial in the Collection of State Trials, and his curious manifesto, printed in 1681.

<li>↑ Memoires de Grammont; Pepys's Diary, Aug. 19. 1662. Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Feb. 1/11 1686.

<li>↑ Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Feb. 1/11. 1686.

<li>↑ Memoires de Grammont; Life of Edward, Earl of Clarendon; Correspondence of Henry, Earl of Clarendon, passim, particularly the letter dated Dec. 29. 1685; Sheridan MS. among the Stuart Papers; Ellis Correspondence, Jan. 12. 1686.

<li>↑ See his later correspondence, passim; St. Evremond, passim; Madame de Sevigne's Letters in the beginning of 1689. See also the instructions to Tallard after the peace of Ryswick, in the French Archives.

<li>↑ St. Simon, Memoires, 1697, 1719; St. Evremond; La Fontaine; Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Jan. 28/Feb. 6, Feb. 8/18. 1686.

<li>↑ Adda, Nov. 16/26, Dec. 7/17. and Dec. 21/31. 1685. In these despatches Adda gives strong reasons for compromising matters by abolishing the penal laws and leaving the test. He calls the quarrel with the Parliament a "gran disgrazia." He repeatedly hints that the King might, by a constitutional policy, have obtained much for the Roman Catholics, and that the attempt to relieve them illegally is likely to bring great calamities on them.

<li>↑ Fra Paulo, lib. vii.; Pallavicino, lib. xviii. cap. 15.

<li>↑ This was the practice of his daughter Anne; and Marlborough said that she had learned it from her father--Vindication of the Duchess of Marlborough.

<li>↑ Down to the time of the trial of the Bishops, James went on telling Adda that all the calamities of Charles the First were "per la troppa indulgenza."--Despatch of 1688.

<li>↑ Barillon, Nov. 16/26. 1685; Lewis to Barillon, Nov. 28/Dec. 6. 26. In a highly curious paper which was written in 1687, almost certainly by Bonrepaux, and which is now in the French archives, Sunderland is described thus-"La passion qu'il a pour le jeu, et les pertes considerables quil y fait, incommodent fort ses affaires. Il n'aime pas le vin; et il hait les femmes."

<li>↑ It appears from the Council Book that he took his place as president on the 4th of December, 1685.

<li>↑ Bonrepaux was not so easily deceived as James. "En son particulier il (Sunderland) n'en professe aucune (religion), et en parle fort librement. Ces sortes de discours seroient en execration en France. Ici ils sont ordinaires parmi un certain nombre de gens du pais."--Bonrepaux to Seignelay, May 25/June 4 1687.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii, 74. 77. Orig. Mem.; Sheridan MS.; Barillon, March 19/29 1686.

<li>↑ Reresby's Memoirs; Luttrell's Diary, Feb. 2. 1685/6 Barillon, Feb. Jan. 25/Feb 4.

<li>↑ Dartmouth's note on Burnet, i. 621. In a contemporary satire it is remarked that Godolphin

"Beats time with politic head, and all approves, Pleased with the charge of the Queen's muff and gloves."

<li>↑ Pepys, Oct. 4. 1664.

<li>↑ Pepys, July 1. 1663.

<li>↑ See Dorset's satirical lines on her.

<li>↑ The chief materials for the history of this intrigue are the despatches of Barillon and Bonrepaux at the beginning of the year 1686. See Barillon, Jan 25./Feb 4. Feb. 1/11. Feb. 8/18. Feb. 19/29. and Bonrepaux under the first four Dates; Evelyn's Diary, Jan. 29.; Reresby's Memoirs; Burnet, i. 682.; Sheridan MS.; Chaillot MS.; Adda's Despatches, Jan 22/Feb 1. and Jan 29/Feb 8 1686. Adda writes like a pious, but weak and ignorant man. He appears to have known nothing of James's past life.

<li>↑ The meditation hears date 1685/6. Bonrepaux, in his despatch of the same day, says, "L'intrigue avoit ete conduite par Milord Rochester et sa femme. . . . Leur projet etoit de faire gouverner le Roy d'Angleterre par la nouvelle comtesse. Ils s'etoient assures d'elle." While Bonrepaux was writing thus, Rochester was writing as follows: "Oh God, teach me so to number my days that I may apply my heart unto wisdom. Teach me to number the days that I have spent in vanity and idleness, and teach me to number those that I have spent in sin and wickedness. Oh God, teach me to number the days of my affliction too, and to give thanks for all that is come to me from thy hand. Teach me likewise to number the days of this world's greatness, of which I have so great a share; and teach me to look upon them as vanity and vexation of spirit."

<li>↑ "Je vis Milord Rochester comme il sortoit de conseil fort chagrin; et, sur la fin du souper, il lui en echappe quelque chose." Bonrepaux, Feb. 18/28. 1656. See also Barillon, March 1/11, 4/14.

<li>↑ Barillon March 22/April 1, April 12.22 1686.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Feb. 11. 1685/6; Luttrell's Diary, Feb. 8; Leeuwen, Feb. 9/19.; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 75. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Leeuwen, Feb 23/Mar 5. 1686.

<li>↑ Barillon, April 26/May 6. May 3/13. i686; Citters, May 7/17; Evelyn's Diary, May 5.; Luttrell's Diary of the same date; Privy Council Book, May 2.

<li>↑ Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Jan. 22. 1686; Barillon, Feb 22/Mar 4 1686. "Ce prince temoigne," says Barillon, "une grande aversion pour eux, et aurait bien voulu se dispenser de la collecte, qui est ordonnee en leur faveur: mais il n'a pas cru que cela fut possible."

<li>↑ Barillon, Feb 22/ Mar 4. 1686.

<li>↑ Account of the commissioners, dated March 15. 1688.

<li>↑ "Le Roi d'Angleterre connait bien que les gens mal intentionnes pour lui sont les plus prompts et les plus disposes a donner considerablement. . . . Sa Majeste Britannique connoit bien qu'il auroit a propos de ne point ordonner de collecte, et que les gens mal intentionnes contre la religion Catholique et contre lui se servent de cette occasion pour temoigner leur zele."--Barillon, April 19/29 1686.

<li>↑ Barillon, Feb 15/25 Feb 22/Mar 4. April 19/29, Lewis to Barillon Mar 5/15.

<li>↑ Barillon, April 19/29. 1686; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, April 14. "He sent away many," she says "with sad hearts."

<li>↑ London Gazette of May 13. 1686.

<li>↑ Reresby's Memoirs; Eachard, iii. 797.; Kennet, iii. 451.

<li>↑ London Gazette, April 22. and 29. i686; Barillon, April 19/29.; Evelyn's Diary, June 2.; Luttrell, June 8.; Dodd's Church History.

<li>↑ North's Life of Guildford, 288.

<li>↑ Reresby's Memoirs.

<li>↑ See the account of the case in the Collection of State Trials; Citters, May 4/14., June 22/July 2 1686; Evelyn's Diary, June 27.; Luttrell's Diary, June 25. As to Street, see Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 27. 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, July 19. 1686.

<li>↑ See the letters patent in Gutch's Collectanca Curiosa. The date is the 3d of May, 1686. Sclater's Consensus Veterum; Gee's reply, entitled Veteres Vindicati; Dr. Anthony Horneck's account of Mr. Sclater's recantation of the errors of Popery on the 5th of May, 1689; Dodd's Church History, part viii. book ii. art. 3.

<li>↑ Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa; Dodd, viii. ii. 3.; Wood, Ath. Ox.; Ellis Correspondence, Feb. 27. 1686; Commons' Journals, Oct. 26. 1689.

<li>↑ Gutch's Collectanea Curiosa; Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Dialogue between a Churchman and a Dissenter, 1689.

<li>↑ Adda, July 9/19 1686.

<li>↑ Adda, July 30/Aug 9 1686.

<li>↑ "Ce prince m'a dit que Dieu avoit permie que toutes les loix qui ont ete faites pour etablir la religion Protestante, et detruire la religion Catholique, servent presentement de fondement ce qu'il veut faire pour l'etablissement de la vraie religion, et le mettent en droit d'exercer un pouvoir encore plus grand que celui qu'ont les role Catholiques sur les affaires ecclesiastiques dans les autres pays."--Barillon, July 12/22. 1686. To Adda His Majesty said, a few days later, "Che l'autorita concessale dal parlamento sopra l'Ecclesiastico senza alcun limite con fine contrario fosse adesso per servire al vantaggio de' medesimi Cattolici." July 23/Aug 2.

<li>↑ The whole question is lucidly and unanswerably argued in a little contemporary tract, entitled "The King's Power in Matters Ecclesiastical fairly stated." See also a concise but forcible argument by Archbishop Sancroft. Doyly's Life of Sancroft, i. 229.

<li>↑ Letter from James to Clarendon, Feb. 18. 1685/6.

<li>↑ The best account of these transactions is in the Life of Sharp, by his son. Citters, June 29/July 9 1686.

<li>↑ Barillon, July 21/Aug 1 1686. Citters, July 16/26; Privy Council Book, July 17. ; Ellis Correspondence, July 17.; Evelyn's Diary, July 14.; Luttrell's Diary, Aug. 5, 6.

<li>↑ The device was a rose and crown. Before the device was the initial letter of the Sovereign's name; after it the letter R. Round the seal was this inscription, "Sigillum commissariorum regiae majestatis ad causas ecclesiasticas."

<li>↑ Appendix to Clarendon's Diary; Citters, Oct. 8/18 1686; Barillon, Oct. 11/21; Doyly's Life of Sancroft.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 676.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 675. ii. 629.; Sprat's Letters to Dorset.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 677.; Barillon, Sept. 6/16. 1686. The public proceedings are in the Collection of State Trials.

<li>↑ 27 Eliz. c. 2.; 2 Jac. I. c. 4; 3 Jac. I. c. 5.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 79, 80. Orig. Mem,

<li>↑ De Augmentis i. vi. 4.

<li>↑ Citters, May 14/24 1686.

<li>↑ Citters. May 18/28 1686. Adda, May 19/29

<li>↑ Ellis Correspondence, April 27. 1686; Barillon, April 19/29 Citters, April 20/30; Privy Council Book, March 26; Luttrell's Diary; Adda Feb 26/Mar 8 March 26/April 5, April 2/12 April 23/May 3

<li>↑ Burnet's Travels.

<li>↑ Barillon, May 27/June 6 1686.

<li>↑ Citters, May 23/June 1 1686.

<li>↑ Ellis Correspondence, June 26. 1686; Citters, July 2/12 Luttrell's Diary, July 19.

<li>↑ See the contemporary poems, entitled Hounslow Heath and Caesar's Ghost; Evelyn's Diary, June 2. 1686. A ballad in the Pepysian collection contains the following lines

"I liked the place beyond expressing, I ne'er saw a camp so fine, Not a maid in a plain dressing, But might taste a glass of wine."

<li>↑ Luttrell's Diary, June 18. 1686.

<li>↑ See the memoirs of Johnson, prefixed to the folio edition of his life, his Julian, and his answers to his opponents. See also Hickes's Jovian.

<li>↑ Life of Johnson, prefixed to his works; Secret History of the happy Revolution, by Hugh Speke; State Trials; Citters, Nov 23/Dec 3 1686. Citters gives the best account of the trial. I have seen a broadside which confirms his narrative.

<li>↑ See the preface to Henry Wharton's Posthumous Sermons.

<li>↑ This I can attest from my own researches. There is an excellent collection in the British Museum. Birch tells us, in his Life of Tillotson, that Archbishop Wake had not been able to form even a perfect catalogue of all the tracts published in this controversy.

<li>↑ Cardinal Howard spoke strongly to Burnet at Rome on this subject Burnet, i. 662. There is a curious passage to the same effect in a despatch of Barillon but I have mislaid the reference.

One of the Roman Catholic divines who engaged in this controversy, a Jesuit named Andrew Pulton, whom Mr. Oliver, in his biography of the Order, pronounces to have been a man of distinguished ability, very frankly owns his deficiencies. "A. P. having been eighteen years out of his own country, pretends not yet to any perfection of the English expression or orthography." His orthography is indeed deplorable. In one of his letters wright is put for write, woed for would. He challenged Tenison to dispute with him in Latin, that they might be on equal terms. In a contemporary satire, entitled The Advice, is the following couplet

"Send Pulton to be lashed at Busby's school, That he in print no longer play the fool."

Another Roman Catholic, named William Clench, wrote a treatise on the Pope's supremacy, and dedicated it to the Queen in Italian. The following specimen of his style may suffice. "O del sagro marito fortunata consorte! O dolce alleviamento d' affari alti! O grato ristoro di pensieri noiosi, nel cui petto latteo, lucente specchio d'illibata matronal pudicizia, nel cui seno odorato, come in porto damor, si ritira il Giacomo! O beata regia coppia! O felice inserto tra l'invincibil leoni e le candide aquile!"

Clench's English is of a piece with his Tuscan. For example, "Peter signifies an inexpugnable rock, able to evacuate all the plots of hell's divan, and naufragate all the lurid designs of empoisoned heretics."

Another Roman Catholic treatise, entitled "The Church of England truly represented," begins by informing us that "the ignis fatuus of reformation, which had grown to a comet by many acts of spoil and rapine, had been ushered into England, purified of the filth which it had contracted among the lakes of the Alps."

<li>↑ Barillon, July 19/29 1686.

<li>↑ Act Parl. Aug. 24. 1560; Dec. 15. 1567.

<li>↑ Act Parl. May 8. 1685.

<li>↑ Act Parl. Aug. 31 1681.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 584.

<li>↑ Ibid. i. 652, 653.

<li>↑ Ibid. i. 678.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 653.

<li>↑ Fountainhall, Jan. 28. 1685/6.

<li>↑ Ibid. Jan. 11 1685/6.

<li>↑ Fountainhall, Jan. 31. and Feb. 1. 1685/6.; Burnet, i. 678,; Trials of David Mowbray and Alexander Keith, in the Collection of State Trials; Bonrepaux, Feb. 11/21

<li>↑ Lewis to Barillon, Feb. 18/28 1686.

<li>↑ Fountainhall, Feb. 16.; Wodrow, book iii. chap. x. sec. 3. "We require," His Majesty graciously wrote, "that you spare no legal trial by torture or otherwise."

<li>↑ Bonrepaux, Feb. 18/28 1686.

<li>↑ Fountainhall, March 11. 1686; Adda, March 1/11

<li>↑ This letter is dated March 4. 1686.

<li>↑ Barillon, April 19/29 1686; Burnet, i. 370.

<li>↑ The words are in a letter of Johnstone of Waristoun.

<li>↑ Some words of Barillon deserve to be transcribed. They would alone suffice to decide a question which ignorance and party spirit have done much to perplex. "Cette liberte accordee aux nonconformistes a faite une grande difficulte, et a ete debattue pendant plusieurs jours. Le Roy d'Angleterre avoit fort envie que les Catholiques eussent seuls la liberte de l'exercice de leur religion." April 19/29 1686.

<li>↑ Barillon, April 19/29 1686 Citters, April 18/28 20/30 May 9/19

<li>↑ Fountainhall, May 6. 1686.

<li>↑ Ibid. June 15. 1686.

<li>↑ Citters, May 11/21 1686. Citters informed the States that he had his intelligence from a sure hand. I will transcribe part of his narrative. It is an amusing specimen of the pyebald dialect in which the Dutch diplomatists of that age corresponded.

"Des konigs missive, boven en behalven den Hoog Commissaris aensprake, aen het parlement afgesonden, gelyck dat altoos gebruyckelyck is, waerby Syne Majesteyt ny in genere versocht hieft de mitigatie der rigoureuse ofte sanglante wetten von het Ryck jegens het Pausdom, in het Generale Comitee des Articles (soo men het daer naemt) na ordre gestelt en gelesen synde, in 't voteren, den Hertog van Hamilton onder anderen klaer uyt seyde dat hy daertoe niet soude verstaen, dat by anders genegen was den konig in allen voorval getrouw te dienen volgens het dictamen syner conscientie: 't gene reden gaf aen de Lord Cancelier de Grave Perts te seggen dat het woort conscientie niets en beduyde, en alleen een individuum vagum was, waerop der Chevalier Locqnard dan verder gingh; wil man niet verstaen de betyckenis van het woordt conscientie, soo sal ik in fortioribus seggen dat wy meynen volgens de fondamentale wetten van het ryck."

There is, in the Hind Let Loose, a curious passage to which I should have given no credit, but for this despatch of Citters. "They cannot endure so much as to hear of the name of conscience. One that was well acquaint with the Council's humour in this point told a gentleman that was going before them, `I beseech you, whatever you do, speak nothing of conscience before the Lords, for they cannot abide to hear that word.'"

<li>↑ Fountainhall, May 17. 1686.

<li>↑ Wodrow, III. x. 3.

<li>↑ Citters, May 28/June 7, June 1/11 June 4/14 1686 Fountainhall June 15; Luttrell's Diary, June 2. 16

<li>↑ Fountainhall, June 21 1686.

<li>↑ Ibid. September 16. 1686.

<li>↑ Fountainhall, Sept. 16; Wodrow, III. x. 3.

<li>↑ The provisions of the Irish Act of Supremacy, 2 Eliz. chap. I., are substantially the same with those of the English Act of Supremacy, I Eliz. chap. I. hut the English act was soon found to he defective and the defect was supplied by a more stringent act, 5 Eliz. chap. I No such supplementary law was made in Ireland. That the construction mentioned in the text was put on the Irish Act of Supremacy, we are told by Archbishop King: State of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 9. He calls this construction Jesuitical but I cannot see it in that light.

<li>↑ Political Anatomy of Ireland.

<li>↑ Political Anatomy of Ireland, 1672; Irish Hudibras, 1689; John Dunton's Account of Ireland, 1699.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, May 4. 1686.

<li>↑ Bishop Malony's Letter to Bishop Tyrrel, March 5. 1689.

<li>↑ Statute 10 & 11 Charles I. chap. 16; King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 8.

<li>↑ King, chap. ii. sec. 8. Miss Edgeworth's King Corny belongs to a later and much more civilised generation; but whoever has studied that admirable portrait can form some notion of what King Corny's great grandfather must have been.

<li>↑ King, chap. iii. sec. 2.

<li>↑ Sheridan MS.; Preface to the first volume of the Hibernia Anglicana, 1690; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1689.

<li>↑ "There was a free liberty of conscience by connivance, though not by the law."--King, chap. iii. sec. i.

<li>↑ In a letter to James found among Bishop Tyrrel's papers, and dated Aug. 14. 1686, are some remarkable expressions. "There are few or none Protestants in that country but such as are joined with the Whigs against the common enemy." And again: "Those that passed for Tories here (that is in England) "publicly espouse the Whig quarrel on the other side the water." Swift said the same thing to King William a few years later "I remember when I was last in England, I told the King that the highest Tories we had with us would make tolerable Whigs there."--Letters concerning the Sacramental Test.

<li>↑ The wealth and negligence of the established clergy of Ireland are mentioned in the strongest terms by the Lord Lieutenant Clarendon, a most unexceptionable witness.

<li>↑ Clarendon reminds the King of this in a letter dated March 14. "It certainly is," Clarendon adds, "a most true notion."

<li>↑ Clarendon strongly recommended this course, and was of opinion that the Irish Parliament would do its part. See his letter to Ormond, Aug. 28. 1686.

<li>↑ It was an O'Neill of great eminence who said that it did not become him to writhe his mouth to chatter English. Preface to the first volume of the Hibernia Anglicana.

<li>↑ Sheridan MS. among the Stuart Papers. I ought to acknowledge the courtesy with which Mr. Glover assisted me in my search for this valuable manuscript. James appears, from the instructions which he drew up for his son in 1692, to have retained to the last the notion that Ireland could not without danger be entrusted to an Irish Lord Lieutenant.

<li>↑ Sheridan MS.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, Jan. 19. 1685/6; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, Feb. 27. 1685/6.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, March 2. 1685/6; and to Rochester, March 14.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Sunderland, Feb. 26. 1685/6.

<li>↑ Sunderland to Clarendon, March 11. 1685/6.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, March 14. 1685/6.

<li>↑ Clarendon to James, March 4. 1685/6.

<li>↑ James to Clarendon, April 6. 1686.

<li>↑ Sunderland to Clarendon, May 22. 1686; Clarendon to Ormond, May 30.; Clarendon to Sunderland, July 6. 11.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester and Sunderland, June 1. 1686; to Rochester, June 12. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. ii. sec. 6, 7. Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, May 15 1686.

<li>↑ Ibid. May 11. 1686.

<li>↑ Ibid. June 8. 1686.

<li>↑ Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, June 26. and July 4. 1686; Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, July 4. 22. 1686; to Sunderland, July 6; to the King, Aug. 14.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, June 19. 1686.

<li>↑ Ibid. June 22. 1686.

<li>↑ Sheridan MS. King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, chap. iii. sec. 3. sec. 8. There is a most striking instance of Tyrconnel's impudent mendacity in Clarendon's letter to Rochester, July 22. 1686.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, June 8. 1686.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, Sept. 23. and Oct. 2. 1686 Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 6. 1686.

<li>↑ Clarendon to the King and to Rochester, Oct. 23. 1686.

<li>↑ Clarendon to Rochester, Oct. 29, 30. 1686.

<li>↑ Ibid. Nov. 27. 1686.

<li>↑ Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 99.

<li>↑ Sheridan MS.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 100.

<li>↑ Barillon, Sept. 13/23 i686; Bonrepaux, June 4. I687.

<li>↑ Barillon, Dec. 2/12 1686; Burnet, i. 684.; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 100.; Dodd's Church History. I have tried to frame a fair narrative out of these conflicting materials. It seems clear to me, from Rochester's own papers that he was on this occasion by no means so stubborn as he has been represented by Burnet and by the biographer of James.

<li>↑ From Rochester's Minutes, dated Dec. 3. 1686.

<li>↑ From Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 4. 1686.

<li>↑ Barillon, Dec. 20/30 1686.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 684.

<li>↑ Bonrepaux, Mar 25/June 4 1687.

<li>↑ Rochester's Minutes, Dec. 19 1686; Barillon, Dec 30 / Jan 9 1686/7; Burnet, i. 685. Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 102.; Treasury Warrant Book, Dec. 29. 1686.

<li>↑ Bishop Malony in a letter to Bishop Tyrrel says, "Never a Catholic or other English will ever think or make a step, nor suffer the King to make a step for your restauration, but leave you as you were hitherto, and leave your enemies over your heads: nor is there any Englishman, Catholic or other, of what quality or degree soever alive, that will stick to sacrifice all Ireland for to save the least interest of his own in England, and would as willingly see all Ireland over inhabited by English of whatsoever religion as by the Irish."

<li>↑ The best account of these transactions is in the Sheridan MS.

<li>↑ Sheridan MS.; Oldmixon's Memoirs of Ireland; King's State of the Protestants of Ireland, particularly chapter iii.; Apology for the Protestants of Ireland, 1689.

<li>↑ Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Jan. 6. and March 14. 1686/7; Evelyn's Diary, March 10 Etherege's letter to Dover is in the British Museum.

<li>↑ "Pare che gli animi sono inaspriti della voce che corre per il popolo, desser cacciato il detto ministro per non essere Cattolico, percio tirarsi al esterminio de' Protestanti."--Adda, 1687.

<li>↑ The chief materials from which I have taken my description of the Prince of Orange will be found in Burnet's History, in Temple's and Gourville's Memoirs, in the Negotiations of the Counts of Estrades and Avaux, in Sir George Downing's Letters to Lord Chancellor Clarendon, in Wagenaar's voluminous History, in Van Kamper's Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis, and, above all, in William's own confidential correspondence, of which the Duke of Portland permitted Sir James Mackintosh to take a copy.

<li>↑ William was earnestly intreated by his friends, after the peace of Ryswick, to speak seriously to the French ambassador about the schemes of assassination which the Jacobites of St. Germains were constantly contriving. The cold magnanimity with which these intimations of danger were received is singularly characteristic. To Bentinck, who had sent from Paris very alarming intelligence, William merely replied at the end of a long letter of business,--"Pour les assasins je ne luy en ay pas voulu parler, croiant que c'etoit au desous de moy." May 2/12 1698. I keep the original orthography, if it is to be so called.

<li>↑ From Windsor he wrote to Bentinck, then ambassador at Paris. "Jay pris avant hier un cerf dans la forest avec les chains du Pr. de Denm. et ay fait on assez jolie chasse, autant que ce vilain paiis le permest. March 20/April 1 1698. The spelling is bad, but not worse than Napoleon's. William wrote in better humour from Loo. "Nous avons pris deux gros cerfs, le premier dans Dorewaert, qui est un des plus gros que je sache avoir jamais pris. Il porte seize." Oct 25/Nov 4 1697.

<li>↑ March 3. 1679.

<li>↑ "Voila en peu de mot le detail de nostre St. Hubert. Et j'ay eu soin que M. Woodstoc" (Bentinck's eldest son) "n'a point este a la chasse, bien moin au soupe, quoyqu'il fut icy. Vous pouvez pourtant croire que de n'avoir pas chasse l'a on peu mortifie, mais je ne l'ay pas ause prendre sur moy, puisque vous m'aviez dit que vous ne le souhaitiez pas." From Loo, Nov. 4. 1697.

<li>↑ On the 15th of June, 1688.

<li>↑ Sept. 6. 1679.

<li>↑ See Swift's account of her in the Journal to Stella.

<li>↑ Henry Sidney's Journal of March 31. 1680, in Mr. Blencowe's interesting collection.

<li>↑ Speaker Onslow's note on Burnet, i. 596.; Johnson's Life of Sprat.

<li>↑ No person has contradicted Burnet more frequently or with more asperity than Dartmouth. Yet Dartmouth wrote, "I do not think he designedly published anything he believed to he false." At a later period Dartmouth, provoked by some remarks on himself in the second volume of the Bishop's history, retracted this praise: but to such a retraction little importance can be attached. Even Swift has the justice to say, "After all, he was a man of generosity and good nature."--Short Remarks on Bishop Burnet's History.

It is usual to censure Burnet as a singularly inaccurate historian; hut I believe the charge to be altogether unjust. He appears to be singularly inaccurate only because his narrative has been subjected to a scrutiny singularly severe and unfriendly. If any Whig thought it worth while to subject Reresby's Memoirs, North's Examen, Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution, or the Life of James the Second, edited by Clarke, to a similar scrutiny, it would soon appear that Burnet was far indeed from being the most inexact writer of his time.

<li>↑ Dr. Hooper's MS. narrative, published in the Appendix to Lord Dungannon's Life of William.

<li>↑ Avaux Negotiations, Aug. 10/20 Sept. 14/24 Sept 28/Oct 8 Dec. 7/17 1682.

<li>↑ I cannot deny myself the pleasure of quoting Massillon's unfriendly, yet discriminating and noble, character of William. "Un prince profond dans ses vues; habile a former des ligues et a reunir les esprits; plus heureux a exciter les guerres qu'a combattre; plus a craindre encore dans le secret du cabinet, qu'a la tete des armees; un ennemi que la haine du nom Francais avoit rendu capable d'imaginer de grandes choses et de les executer; un de ces genies qui semblent etre nes pour mouvoir a leur gre les peuples et les souverains; un grand homme, s'il n'avoit jamais voulu etre roi."--Oraison funebre de M. le Dauphin.

<li>↑ For example, "Je crois M. Feversham un tres brave et honeste homme. Mais je doute s'il a assez d'experience diriger une si grande affaire qu'il a sur le bras. Dieu lui donne un succes prompt et heureux. Mais je ne suis pas hors d'inquietude." July 7/17 1685. Again, after he had received the news of the battle of Sedgemoor, "Dieu soit loue du bon succes que les troupes du Roy ont eu contre les rebelles. Je ne doute pas que cette affaire ne soit entierement assoupie, et que le regne du Roy sera heureux, Ce que Dieu veuille." July 10/20

<li>↑ The treaty will be found in the Recueil des Traites, iv. No. 209.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 762.

<li>↑ Temple's Memoirs.

<li>↑ See the poems entitled The Converts and The Delusion.

<li>↑ The lines are in the Collection of State Poems.

<li>↑ Our information about Wycherley is very scanty; but two things are certain, that in his later years he called himself a Papist, and that he received money from James. I have very little doubt that he was a hired convert.

<li>↑ See the article on him in the Biographia Britannica.

<li>↑ See James Quin's account of Haines in Davies's Miscellanies; Tom Brown's Works; Lives of Sharpers; Dryden's Epilogue to the Secular Masque.

<li>↑ This fact, which escaped the minute researches of Malone, appears from the Treasury Letter Book of 1685.

<li>↑ It has lately been asserted that Dryden's pension was restored long before he turned Papist, and that therefore it ought not to be considered as the price of his apostasy. But this is an entire mistake. Dryden's pension was restored by letters patent of the 4th of March 1685/6; and his apostasy had been the talk of the town at least six weeks before. See Evelyn's Diary, January 19, 1685/6. (1857.)

<li>↑ Leeuwen, Dec 25/Jan 4 1685/6

<li>↑ Barillon, - Jan 31/Feb 10 1686/7. "Je crois que, dans le fond, si on ne pouvoit laisser que la religion Anglicane et la Catholique etablies par les loix, le Roy d'Angleterre en seroit bien plus content."

<li>↑ It will be round in Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 129.

<li>↑ Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. No. 128. 129. 132.

<li>↑ Barillon Feb 20/March 10 1686/7; Citters, Feb. 16/23; Reresby's Memoirs Bonrepaux, May 25/June 4 1687.

<li>↑ Barillon, March 14/24 1687; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, April 1.; Burnet, i. 671. 762. The conversation is somewhat differently related in Clarke's Life of James, ii. 204. But that passage is not part of the King's own memoirs.

<li>↑ London Gazette, March 21. 1686/7.

<li>↑ Ibid. April 7. 1687.

<li>↑ Warrant Book of the Treasury. See particularly the instructions dated March 8, 1687/8 Burnet, i. 715. Reflections on his Majesty's Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland; Letters containing some Reflections on his Majesty's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience; Apology for the Church of England with a relation to the spirit of Persecution for which she is accused, 1687/8. But it is impossible for me to cite all the pamphlets from which I have formed my notion of the state of parties at this time.

<li>↑ Letter to a Dissenter.

<li>↑ Wodrow, Appendix, vol. ii. Nos. 132. 134.

<li>↑ London Gazette, April 21. 1687 Animadversions on a late paper entituled A Letter to a Dissenter, by H C. (Henry Care), 1687.

<li>↑ Lestrange's Answer to a Letter to a Dissenter; Care's Animadversions on A letter to a Dissenter; Dialogue between Harry and Roger; that is to say, Harry Care and Roger Lestrange.

<li>↑ The letter was signed T. W. Care says, in his Animadversions, "This Sir Politic T. W., or W. T. for some critics think that the truer reading."

<li>↑ Ellis Correspondence, March 15. July 27. 1686 Barillon, Feb 28/Mar 10; March 3/13. March 6/16. 1687 Ronquillo, March 9/19. 1687, in the Mackintosh Collection.

<li>↑ Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Observator; Heraclitus Ridens, passim. But Care's own writings furnish the best materials for an estimate of his character.

<li>↑ Calamy's Account of the Ministers ejected or silenced after the Restoration, Northamptonshire; Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Biographia Britannica.

<li>↑ State Trials; Samuel Rosewell's Life of Thomas Rosewell, 1718; Calamy's Account.

<li>↑ London Gazette, March 15 1685/6; Nichols's Defence of the Church of England; Pierce's Vindication of the Dissenters.

<li>↑ The Addresses will be found in the London Gazettes.

<li>↑ London Gazette, May 26, 1687; Life of Penn prefixed to his Works, 1726.

<li>↑ Calamy's Life of Baxter.

<li>↑ Calamy's Life of Howe. The share which the Hampden family had in the matter I learned from a letter of Johnstone of Waristoun, dated June 13 1688.

<li>↑ Bunyan's Grace Abounding.

<li>↑ Young classes Bunyan's prose with Durfey's poetry. The people of fashion in the Spiritual Quixote rank the Pilgrim's Progress with Jack the Giantkiller. Late in the eighteenth century Cowper did not venture to do more than allude to the great allegorist

"I name thee not, lest so despis'd a name Should move a sneer at thy deserved fame."

<li>↑ The continuation of Bunyan's life appended to his Grace Abounding.

<li>↑ An attempt has been made to vindicate Penn's conduct on this occasion, and to fasten on me the charge of having calumniated him. It is asserted that, instead of being engaged, on behalf of the government, in the work of seduction, he was really engaged, on behalf of Kiffin, in the work of intercession. In support of this view the following passage is triumphantly quoted from Kiffin's Memoirs of himself. "I used all the means I could to be excused both by some lords near the King, and also by Sir Nicholas Baker, and Mr. Penn. But it was all in vain...." There the quotation ends, not at a full stop, but at a semicolon. The remainder of the sentence, which fully bears out all that I have said, is carefully suppressed. Kiffin proceeds thus:--"I was told that they [Nicholas and Penn] knew I had an interest that might serve the King, and although they knew my sufferings were great, in cutting off my two grandchildren, and losing their estates, yet it should be made up to me, both in the estates, and also in what honour or advantage I could reasonably desire for myself. But I thank the Lord, these proffers were no snare to me."

<li>↑ Kiffin's Memoirs; Luson's Letter to Brooke, May 11. 1773, in the Hughes Correspondence.

<li>↑ Kiffin's Memoirs.

<li>↑ See, among other contemporary pamphlets, one entitled a Representation of the threatening Dangers impending over Protestants.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 693, 694; Avaux, Jan. 10, 1687. Penn's letters were regularly put, by one of his Quaker friends who resided in the Hague, into the Prince's own hand.

<li>↑ "Le Prince d'Orange, qui avoit elude jusqu'alors de faire une reponse positive, dit qu'il ne consentira jamais a la suppression du ces loix qui avoient ete etablies pour le maintien et la surete de la religion Protestante, et que sa conscience ne le lui permettoit point non seulement pour la succession du royaume d'Angleterre, mais meme pour l'empire du monde; en sorte que le roi d'Angleterre est plus aigri contre lui qu'il n'a jamais ete"--Bonrepaux, June 11/21 1687.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 710. Bonrepaux, May 24/June 4. 1687

<li>↑ Johnstone, Jan. 13. 1688; Halifax's Anatomy of an Equivalent.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 726-73 1.; Answer to the Criminal Letters issued out against Dr. Burnet; Avaux Neg., July 7/17 14/24, July 28/Aug 7 Jan 19/29 1688; Lewis to Barillon, Dec 30 1687/Jan 9 1688; Johnstone of Waristoun, Feb. 21. 1688; Lady Russell to Dr. Fitzwilliam, Oct. 5, 1687. As it has been suspected that Burnet, who certainly was not in the habit of underrating his own importance, exaggerated the danger to which he was exposed, I will give the words of Lewis and of Johnstone. "Qui que ce soit," says Lewis, "qui entreprenne de l'enlever en Hollande trouvera non seulement une retraite assuree et une entiere protection dans mes etats, mais aussi toute l'assistance qu'il pourra desirer pour faire conduire surement ce scelerat en Angleterre." "The business of Bamfield (Burnet) is certainly true," says Johnstone. "No man doubts of it here, and some concerned do not deny it. His friends say they hear he takes no care of himself, but out of vanity, to show his courage, shows his folly; so that, if ill happen on it, all people will laugh at it. Pray tell him so much from Jones (Johnstone). If some could be catched making their coup d'essai on him, it will do much to frighten them from making any attempt on Ogle (the Prince)."

<li>↑ Burnet, a. 708.; Avaux Neg., Jan. 3/13 Feb. 6/16. 1687; Van Kampen, Karakterkunde der Vaderlandsche Geschiedenis.

<li>↑ Burnet, i 711. Dykvelt's despatches to the States General contain, as far as I have seen or can learn, not a word about the real object of his mission. His correspondence with the Prince of Orange was strictly private.

<li>↑ Bonrepaux, Sept. 12/22 1687.

<li>↑ See Lord Campbell's Life of him.

<li>↑ Johnstone's Correspondence; Mackay's Memoirs; Arbuthnot's John Bull; Swift's writings from 1710 to 1714, passim; Whiston's Letter to the Earl of Nottingham, and the Earl's answer.

<li>↑ Kennet's funeral sermon on the Duke of Devonshire, and Memoirs of the family of Cavendish; State Trials; Privy Council Book, March 5. 1685/6; Barillon, June 30/July 10 1687; Johnstone, Dec. 8/18. 1687; Lords' journals, May 6. 1689. "Ses amis et ses proches," says Barillon, "lui conseillent de prendre le bon parti, mais il persiste jusqu'a prasent a ne se point soumettre. S'il vouloit se bien conduire et renoncer a etre populaire, il ne payeroit pas l'amende, mais s'il opiniatre, il lui en coutera trente mille pieces et il demeurera prisonnier jusqu'a l'actuel payement."

<li>↑ The motive which determined the conduct of the Churchills is shortly and plainly set forth in the Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication. "It was," she says, "evident to all the world that, as things were carried on by King James, everybody sooner or later must be ruined, who would not become a Roman Catholic. This consideration made me very well pleased at the Prince of Orange's undertaking to rescue us from such slavery."

<li>↑ Grammont's Memoirs; Pepys's Diary, Feb. 21. 1684/5.

<li>↑ It would be endless to recount all the books from which I have formed my estimate of the duchess's character. Her own letters, her own vindication, and the replies which it called forth, have been my chief materials.

<li>↑ The formal epistle which Dykvelt carried back to the States is in the Archives at the Hague. The other letters mentioned in this paragraph are given by Dalrymple. App. to Book V.

<li>↑ Sunderland to William, Aug. 24. 1686; William to Sunderland, Sept. 2/12 1686; Barillon, May 6/16 May 26/June 5 Oct. 3/13 Nov 28/Dec 8. 1687; Lewis to Barillon, Oct. 14/24 1687: Memorial of Albeville, Dec. 15/25. 1687; James to William, Jan. 17. Feb. 16. March 2. 13. 1688; Avaux Neg., March 1/11 6/16 8/18 March 22/April 1 1688.

<li>↑ Adda, Nov. 9/19. 1685.

<li>↑ The Professor of Greek in the College De Propaganda Fide expressed his admiration in some detestable hexameters and pentameters, of which the following specimen may suffice:

Rogerion de akepsomenos lamproio thriambon, oka mal eissen kai theen ochlos apas thaumazousa de ten pompen pagkhrusea t' auton armata tous thippous toiade Rome ethe.

The Latin verses are a little better. Nahum Tate responded in English

"His glorious train and passing pomp to view, A pomp that even to Rome itself was new, Each age, each sex, the Latian turrets filled, Each age and sex in tears of joy distilled."

<li>↑ Correspondence of James and Innocent, in the British Museum; Burnet, i 703- 705.; Welwood's Memoirs; Commons' Journals, Oct. 28. 1689; An Account of his Excellency Roger Earl of Castelmaine's Embassy, by Michael Wright, chief steward of his Excellency's house at Rome, 1688.

<li>↑ Barillon, May 2/12 1687.

<li>↑ Memoirs of the Duke of Somerset; Citters, July 5/15. 1687; Eachard's History of the Revolution; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 116, 117, 118.; Lord Lonsdale's Memoirs.

<li>↑ London Gazette, July 7. 1687; Citters, July 7/17 Account of the ceremony reprinted among the Somers Tracts.

<li>↑ London Gazette, July 4. 1687.

<li>↑ See the statutes 18 Henry 6. C. 19.; 2 & 3 Ed. 6. C. 2.; Eachard's History of the Revolution; Kennet, iii. 468.; North's Life of Guildford, 247.; London Gazette, April 18. May 23. 1687; Vindication of the E. of R, (Earl of Rochester).

<li>↑ Dryden's Prologues and Cibber's Memoirs contain abundant proofs of the estimation in which the taste of the Oxonians was held by the most admired poets and actors.

<li>↑ See the poem called Advice to the Painter upon the Defeat of the Rebels in the West. See also another poem, a most detestable one, on the same subject, by Stepney, who was then studying at Trinity College.

<li>↑ Mackay's character of Sheffield, with Swift's note; the Satire on the Deponents, 1688; Life of John, Duke of Buckinghamshire, 1729; Barillon, Aug. 30. 1687. I have a manuscript lampoon on Mulgrave, dated 1690. It is not destitute of spirit. The most remarkable lines are these:

Peters (Petre) today and Burnet tomorrow, Knaves of all sides and religions he'll woo.

<li>↑ See the proceedings against the University of Cambridge in the collection of State Trials.

<li>↑ Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Apology for the Life of Colley Cibber; Citters,

FN March 2/12 1686.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 697.; Letter of Lord Ailesbury printed in the European Magazine for April 1795.

<li>↑ This gateway is now closed.

<li>↑ Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 697.; Tanner's Notitia Monastica. At the visitation in the twenty-sixth year of Henry the Eighth it appeared that the annual revenue of King's College was 751l.; of New College, 487l.; of Magdalene, 1076l.

<li>↑ A Relation of the Proceedings at the Charterhouse, 1689.

<li>↑ See the London Gazette, from August 18 to September 1. 1687 Barillon, September 19/29

<li>↑ "Penn, chef des Quakers, qu'on sait etre dans les interets du Roi d'Angleterre, est si fort decrie parmi ceux de son parti qu'ils n'ont plus aucune confiance en lui."--Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Sept. 12/22 1687. The evidence of Gerard Croese is to the same effect. "Etiam Quakeri Pennum iron amplius, ut ante, ita amabant ac magnifaciebant, quidam aversabantur ac fugiebant."-- Historia Quakeriana, lib, ii. 1695.

<li>↑ Cartwright's Diary, August 30. 1687. Clarkson's Life of William Penn.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Sept. 5.; Sheridan MS.; Barillon, Sept. 1687. "Le Roi son maitre," says Barillon, "a temoigne une grande satisfaction des mesures qu'il a prises, et a autorise ce qu'il a fait en faveur des Catholiques. Il les etablit dans les emplois et les charges, en sorte que l'autorite se trouvera bientot entre leurs mains. Il reste encore beaucoup de choses a faire en ce pays la pour retirer les biens injustement otes aux Catholiques. Mais cela ne peut s'executer qu'avec le tems et dans l'assemblee d'un parlement en Irlande."

<li>↑ London Gazette of Sept. 5. and Sept. 8. 1687

<li>↑ See Penn's Letter to Bailey, one of the Fellows of the College, in the Impartial Relation printed at Oxford in 1688. It has lately been asserted that Penn most certainly did not write this letter. Now, the evidence which proves the letter to be his is irresistible. Bailey, to whom the letter was addressed, ascribed it to Penn, and sent an answer to Penn. In a very short time both the letter and the answer appeared in print. Many thousands of copies were circulated. Penn was pointed out to the whole world as the author of the letter; and it is not pretended that he met this public accusation with a public contradiction. Everybody therefore believed, and was perfectly warranted in believing, that he was the author. The letter was repeatedly quoted as his, during his own lifetime, not merely in fugitive pamphlets, such as the History of the Ecclesiastical Commission, published in 1711, but in grave and elaborate books which were meant to descend to posterity. Boyer, in his History of William the Third, printed immediately after that King's death, and reprinted in 1703, pronounced the letter to be Penn's, and added some severe reflections on the writer. Kennet, in the bulky History of England published in 1706, a history which had a huge sale and produced a great sensation, adopted the very words of Boyer. When these works appeared, Penn was not only alive, but in the full enjoyment of his faculties. He cannot have been ignorant of the charge brought against him by writers of so much note; and it was not his practice to hold his peace when unjust charges were brought against him even by obscure scribblers. In 1695, a pamphlet on the Exclusion Bill was falsely imputed to him in an anonymous libel. Contemptible as was the quarter from which the calumny proceeded, he hastened to vindicate himself. His denial, distinct, solemn, and indignant, speedily came forth in print. Is it possible to doubt that he would, if he could, have confounded Boyer and Kennet by a similar denial? He however silently suffered them to tell the whole world, during many years, that this letter was written by "William Penn the head of the Quakers, or, as some then thought, an ambitious, crafty Jesuit, who under a phanatical outside, promoted King James's designs." He died without attempting to clear himself. In the year of his death appeared Eachard's huge volume, containing the History of England from the Restoration to the Revolution, and Eachard, though often differing with Boyer and Kennet, agreed with them in unhesitatingly ascribing the letter to Penn.

Such is the evidence on one side. I am not aware that any evidence deserving a serious answer has been produced on the other. (1857.)

<li>↑ Here again I have been accused of calumniating Penn; and some show of a case has been made out by suppression amounting to falsification. It is asserted that Penn did not "begin to hint at a compromise;" and in proof of this assertion, a few words, quoted from the letter in which Hough gives an account of the interview, are printed in italics. These words are, "I thank God, he did not offer any proposal by way of accomodation." These words, taken by themselves, undoubtedly seem to prove that Penn did not begin to hint at a compromise. But their effect is very different indeed when they are read in connection with words which immediately follow, without the intervention of a full stop, but which have been carefully suppressed. The whole sentence runs thus: "I thank God, he did not offer any proposal by way of accommodation; only once, upon the mention of the Bishop of Oxford's indisposition, he said, smiling, 'If the Bishop of Oxford die, Dr. Hough may be made Bishop. What think you of that, gentlemen?'" Can anything be clearer than that the latter part of the sentence limits the general assertion contained in the former part? Everybody knows that only is perpetually used as synonymous with except that. Instances will readily occur to all who are well acquainted with the English Bible, book from the authority of which there is no appeal when the question is about the force of an English word. We read in the Book of Genesis, to go no further, that every living thing was destroyed; and Noah only remained, and they that were with him in the ark; and that Joseph bought all the land of Egypt for Pharoah; only the land of the priests bought he not. The defenders of Penn reason exactly like a commentator who should construe these passages to mean that Noah was drowned in the flood, and that Joseph bought the land of the priests for Pharoah. (1857).

<li>↑ I will give one other specimen of the arts which are thought legitimate where the fame of Penn is concerned. To vindicate the language which he held on this occasion, if we suppose him to have meant what he said, is plainly impossible. We are therefore told that he was in a merry mood; that his benevolent heart was so much exhilarated by the sight of several pious and learned men who were about to be reduced to beggary for observing their oaths and adhering to their religion, that he could not help joking; and that it would be most unjust to treat his charming facetiousness as a crime. In order to make out this defence,--a poor defence even if made out,--the following words are quoted, as part of Hough's letter, "He had a mind to droll upon us." This is given as a positive assertion made by Hough. The context is carefully suppressed. My readers will, I believe, be surprised when they learn that Hough's words really are these: "When I heard him talk at this rate, I concluded he was either off his guard, or had a mind to droll upon us."

<li>↑ Proceedings against Magdalene College, in Oxon, for not electing Anthony Farmer president of the said College, in the Collection of State Trials, Howell's edition; Luttrell's Diary, June 15. 17., Oct. 24., Dec. 10. 1687; Smith's Narrative; Letter of Dr. Richard Rawlinson, dated Oct. 31. 1687; Reresby's Memoirs; Burnet, i. 699.; Cartwright's Diary; Citters, Oct 25/Nov 4, Oct 28/Nov 7 Nov 8/18 Nov 18/28 1687.

<li>↑ "Quand on connoit le dedans de cette cour aussi intimement que je la connois, on peut croire que sa Majeste Britannique donnera volontiers dans ces sortes de projets."--Bonrepaux to Seignelay, March 18/28 1686.

<li>↑ "Que, quand pour etablir la religion Catholique et pour la confirmer icy, il (James) devroit se rendre en quelque facon dependant de la France, et mettre la decision de la succession a la couronne entre les mains de ce monarque la, qu'il seroit oblige de le faire, parcequ'il vaudroit mieux pour ses sujets qu'ils devinssent vassaux du Roy de France, etant Catholiques, que de demeurer comme esclaves du Diable." This paper is in the archives of both France and Holland.

<li>↑ Citters, Aug. 6/16 17/27 1686. Barillon, Aug. 19/29

<li>↑ Barillon, Sept. 13/23 1686. "La succession est une matiere fort delicate a traiter. Je sais pourtant qu'on en parle au Roy d'Angleterre, et qu'on ne desespere pas avec le temps de trouver des moyens pour faire passer la couronne sur la tete d'un heritier Catholique."

<li>↑ Bonrepaux, July 11/21. 1687.

<li>↑ Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Aug 25/Sept 4 1687. I will quote a few words from this most remarkable despatch: "je scay bien certainement que l'intention du Roy d'Angleterre est de faire perdre ce royaume (Ireland) a son successeur, et de le fortifier en sorte que tous ses sujets Catholiques y puissent avoir un asile assure. Son projet est de mettre les choses en cet estat dans le cours de cinq annees." In the Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, printed in 1690, there is a passage which shows that this negotiation had not been kept strictly secret. "Though the King kept it private from most of his council, yet certain it is that he had promised the French King the disposal of that government and kingdom when things had attained to that growth as to be fit to bear it."

<li>↑ Citters, Oct 28/Nov 7, Nov 22/Dec 2 1687; the Princess Anne to the Princess of Orange, March 14. and 20. 1687/8; Barillon, Dec. 1/11 1687; Revolution Politics; the song "Two Toms and a Nat;" Johnstone, April 4. 1688; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland, 1690.

<li>↑ The king's uneasiness on this subject is strongly described by Ronquillo, Dec. 12/22 1687 "Un Principe de Vales y un Duque de York y otro di Lochaosterna (Lancaster, I suppose,) no bastan a reducir la gente; porque el Rey tiene 54 anos, y vendra a morir, dejando los hijos pequenos, y que entonces el reyno se apoderara dellos, y los nombrara tutor, y los educara en la religion protestante, contra la disposicion que dejare el Rey, y la autoridad de la Reyna."

<li>↑ Three lists framed at this time are extant; one in the French archives, the other two in the archives of the Portland family. In these lists every peer is entered under one of three heads, For the Repeal of the Test, Against the Repeal, and Doubtful. According to one list the numbers were, 31 for, 86 against, and 20 doubtful; according to another, 33 for, 87 against, and 19 doubtful; according to the third, 35 for, 92 against, and 10 doubtful. Copies of the three lists are in the Mackintosh MSS.

<li>↑ There is in the British Museum a letter of Dryden to Etherege, dated Feb. 1688. I do not remember to have seen it in print. "Oh," says Dryden, "that our monarch would encourage noble idleness by his own example, as he of blessed memory did before him. For my mind misgives me that he will not much advance his affairs by stirring."

<li>↑ Barillon, Aug 29/Sep 8 1687.

<li>↑ Told by Lord Bradford, who was present, to Dartmouth; note on Burnet, i. 755.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Dec. 12. 1687.

<li>↑ Bonrepaux to Seignelay, Nov. 14/24.; Citters, Nov. 15/25.; Lords' Journals,

FN Dec. 20. 1689.

<li>↑ Citters, Oct 28/Nov 7 1687.

<li>↑ Halstead's Succinct Genealogy of the Family of Vere, 1685; Collins's Historical Collections. See in the Lords' Journals, and in Jones's Reports, the proceedings respecting the earldom of Oxford, in March and April 1625/6. The exordium of the speech of Lord Chief Justice Crew is among the finest specimens of the ancient English eloquence. Citters, Feb. 7/17 1688.

<li>↑ Coxe's Shrewsbury Correspondence; Mackay's Memoirs; Life of Charles Duke of Shrewsbury, 1718; Burnet, i. 762.; Birch's Life of Tillotson, where the reader will find a letter from Tillotson to Shrewsbury, which seems to me a model of serious, friendly, and gentlemanlike reproof.

<li>↑ The King was only Nell's Charles III. Whether Dorset or Major Hart had the honour of being her Charles I is a point open to dispute. But the evidence in favour of Dorset's claim seems to me to preponderate. See the suppressed passage of Burnet, i. 263.; and Pepys's Diary, Oct. 26. 1667.

<li>↑ Pepys's Diary; Prior's dedication of his poems to the Duke of Dorset; Johnson's Life of Dorset; Dryden's Essay on Satire, and Dedication of the Essay on Dramatic Poesy. The affection of Dorset for his wife and his strict fidelity to her are mentioned with great contempt by that profligate coxcomb Sir George Etherege in his letters from Ratisbon, Dec. 9/19 1687, and Jan. 16/26 1688; Shadwell's Dedication of the Squire of Alsatia; Burnet, i. 264.; Mackay's Characters. Some parts of Dorset's character are well touched in his epitaph, written by Pope:

"Yet soft his nature, though severe his lay" and again: "Blest courtier, who could king and country please, Yet sacred keep his friendships and his ease."

<li>↑ Barillon, Jan. 9/19 1688; Citters, Jan 31/Feb 10

<li>↑ Adda, Feb. 3/13 10/20 1688.

<li>↑ Barillon,. Dec. 5/15 8/18. 12/22 1687; Citters, Nov 29/Dec 9 Dec 2/12

<li>↑ Citters, Oct 28/Nov 7 1687; Lonsdale's Memoirs.

<li>↑ Citters, Nov 22/Dec 2 1687.

<li>↑ Ibid. Dec 27/Jan 6 1687/8.

<li>↑ Ibid,

<li>↑ Rochester's offensive warmth on this occasion is twice noticed by Johnstone, Nov. 25. and Dec. 8. 1687. His failure is mentioned by Citters, Dec. 6/16.

<li>↑ Citters, Dec. 6/16. 1687

<li>↑ Ibid. Dec. 20/30. 1687.

<li>↑ Ibid March 30/April 9 1687.

<li>↑ Ibid Nov 22/Dec 2 1687.

<li>↑ Ibid. Nov. 15/25. 1687.

<li>↑ Citters, April 10/20 1688.

<li>↑ The anxiety about Lancashire is mentioned by Citters, in a despatch dated Nov. 18/28. 1687; the result in a despatch dated four days later.

<li>↑ Bonrepaux, July 11/21 1687.

<li>↑ Citters, Feb. 3/13 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid. April 5/15 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Dec. 5. 1687; Citters, Dec. 6/16

<li>↑ About twenty years before this time a Jesuit had noticed the retiring character of the Roman Catholic country gentlemen of England. "La nobilta Inglese, senon se legata in servigio, di Corte, o in opera di maestrato, vive, e gode il piu dell' anno alla campagna, ne' suoi palagi e poderi, dove son liberi e padroni; e cio tanto piu sollecitamente I Cattolici quanto piu utilmente, si come meno osservati cola."--L'lnghilterra descritta dal P. Daniello Bartoli. Roma, 1667.

"Many of the Popish Sheriffs," Johnstone wrote, "have estates, and declare that whoever expects false returns from them will be disappointed. The Popish gentry that live at their houses in the country are much different from those that live here in town. Several of them have refused to be Sheriffs or Deputy Lieutenants." Dec. 8. 1687.

Ronquillo says the same. "Algunos Catolicos que fueron nombrados per sherifes se han excusado," Jan. 9/19. 1688. He some months later assured his court that the Catholic country gentlemen would willingly consent to a compromise of which the terms should be that the penal laws should be abolished and the test retained. "Estoy informado," he says, "que los Catolicos de las provincias no lo reprueban, pues no pretendiendo oficios, y siendo solo algunos de la Corte los provechosos, les parece que mejoran su estado, quedando seguros ellos y sus descendientes en la religion, en la quietud, y en la seguridad de sus haciendas." July 23/Aug 2 1688.

<li>↑ Privy Council Book, Sept. 25. 1687; Feb. 21. 1687/8

<li>↑ Records of the Corporation, quoted in Brand's History of Newcastle. Johnstone, Feb. 21. 1687/8

<li>↑ Johnstone, Feb. 21 1687/8

<li>↑ Citters, Feb. 14/24 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid. May 1/11. 1688.

<li>↑ In the margin of the Privy Council Book may be observed the words "Second regulation," and "Third regulation," when a corporation had been remodelled more than once.

<li>↑ Johnstone, May 23. 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid. Feb. 21. 1688.

<li>↑ Johnstone, Feb. 21. 1688.

<li>↑ Citters, March 20/30 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid. May 1/11 1688.

<li>↑ Citters, May 22/June 1 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid. May 1/11 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid. May 18/28 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid. April 6 1688; Treasury Letter Book, March 14. 1687; Ronquillo, April 16/26.

<li>↑ Citters, May 18/28 1688.

<li>↑ Citters, May 18/28 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Dec. 15. 1687. See the proceedings against Williams in the Collection of State Trials. "Ha hecho," says Ronquillo, "grande susto el haber nombrado el abogado Williams, que fue el orador y el mas arrabiado de toda la casa de los comunes en los ultimos terribles parlamentos del Rey difunto. Nov 27/Dec 7 1687.

<li>↑ London Gazette, April 30. 1688; Barillon, April 26/May 6

<li>↑ Citters, May 1/11. 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, May 7. 1688.

<li>↑ Johnstone May 27. 1688.

<li>↑ That very remarkable man, the late Alexander Knox, whose eloquent conversation and elaborate letters had a great influence on the minds of his contemporaries, learned, I suspect, much of his theological system from Fowler's writings. Fowler's book on the Design of Christianity was assailed by John Bunyan with a ferocity which nothing can justify, but which the birth and breeding of the honest tinker in some degree excuse.

<li>↑ Johnstone, May 23. 1688. There is a satirical poem on this meeting entitled the Clerical Cabal.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, May 22. 1688.

<li>↑ Extracts from Tanner MS. in Howell's State Trials; Life of Prideaux; Clarendon's Diary, May 16. 1688.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, May 16 and 17. 1688.

<li>↑ Sancroft's Narrative printed from the Tanner MS.; Citters, May 22/June 1 1688.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 741; Revolution Politics; Higgins's Short View.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 155.

<li>↑ Citters, May 22/June 1688. Burnet, i. 740.; and Lord Dartmouth's note; Southey's Life of Wesley.

<li>↑ Citters, May 22/June 1 1688

<li>↑ Ibid. May 29/June 8 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid.

<li>↑ Barillon, May 24/June 3 May 31/June 10 1688; Citters, July, 1/11 Adda, May 25/June 4, May 30/June 9, June 1/11 Clarke s Life of James the Second, ii. 158.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 740.; Life of Prideaux; Citters, June 12/22 15/25 1688. Tanner MS.; Life and Correspondence of Pepys.

<li>↑ Sancroft's Narrative, printed from the Tanner MS.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 741.; Citters, June 8/18 12/22. 1688; Luttrell's Diary, June 8.; Evelyn's Diary; Letter of Dr. Nalson to his wife, dated June 14., and printed from the Tanner MS.; Reresby's Memoirs.

<li>↑ Reresby's Memoirs.

<li>↑ Correspondence between Anne and Mary, in Dalrymple; Clarendon's Diary, Oct. 31. 1688.

<li>↑ This is clear from Clarendon's Diary, Oct. 31. 1688.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 159, 160.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, June 10. 1688.

<li>↑ Johnstone gives in a very few words an excellent summary of the case against the King. "The generality of people conclude all is a trick; because they say the reckoning is changed, the Princess sent away, none of the Clarendon family nor the Dutch Ambassador sent for, the suddenness of the thing, the sermons, the confidence of the priests, the hurry." June 13. 1688.

<li>↑ Ronquillo, July 26/Aug 5. Ronquillo adds, that what Zulestein said of the state of public opinion was strictly true.

<li>↑ Citters, June 12/22 1688; Luttrell's Diary, June 18.

<li>↑ For the events of this day see the State Trials; Clarendon's Diary Luttrell's Diary; Citters. June 15/25 Johnstone, June 18; Revolution Politics.

<li>↑ Johnstone, June 18. 1688; Evelyn's Diary, June 29.

<li>↑ Tanner MS.

<li>↑ This fact was communicated to me in the most obliging manner by the Reverend R. S. Hawker of Morwenstow in Cornwall.

<li>↑ Johnstone, June 18. 1688.

<li>↑ Adda, June 29/July 9 1688

<li>↑ Sunderland's own narrative is, of course, not to be implicitly trusted, but he vouched Godolphin as a witness of what took place respecting the Irish Act of Settlement.

<li>↑ Barillon June 21/June 28 June 28/July 8 1688; Adda, June 29/July 9 Citters June 26/July 6; Johnstone, July 2. 1688; The Converts, a poem.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, June 21. 1688.

<li>↑ Citters, June 26/ July 6. 1688.

<li>↑ Johnstone, July 2. 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid.

<li>↑ Johnstone, July 2. 1688. The editor of Levinz's reports expresses great wonder that, after the Revolution, Levinz was not replaced on the bench. The facts related by Johnstone may perhaps explain the seeming injustice.

<li>↑ I draw this inference from a letter of Compton to Sancroft, dated the 12th of June.

<li>↑ Revolution Politics.

<li>↑ This is the expression of an eye witness. It is in a newsletter in the Mackintosh Collection.

<li>↑ See the proceedings in the Collection of State Trials. I have taken some touches from Johnstone, and some from Van Citters.

<li>↑ Johnstone, July 2. 1688; Letter from Mr. Ince to the Archbishop, dated at six o'clock in the morning; Tanner MS.; Revolution Politics.

<li>↑ Johnstone, July 2. 1688.

<li>↑ State Trials; Oldmixon, 739.; Clarendon's Diary, June 25, 1688; Johnstone, July 2.; Citters, July 3/13 Adda, July 6/16; Luttrell's Diary; Barillon, July 2/12

<li>↑ Citters, July 3/13 The gravity with which he tells the story has a comic effect. "Den Bisschop van Chester, wie seer de partie van het hof houdt, om te voldoen aan syne gewoone nieusgierigheyt, hem op dien tyt in Westminster Hall mede hebbende laten vinden, in het uytgaan doorgaans was uytgekreten voor een grypende wolf in schaaps kleederen; en by synde een beer van hooge stature en vollyvig, spotsgewyse alomme geroepen was dat men voor hem plaats moeste maken, om te laten passen, gelyck ook geschiede, om dat soo sy uytschreeuwden en hem in het aansigt seyden, by den Paus in syn buyck hadde."

<li>↑ Luttrell; Citters, July 3/13. 1688. "Soo syn in tegendeel gedagte jurys met de uyterste acclamatie en alle teyckenen van genegenheyt en danckbaarheyt in het door passeren van de gemeente ontvangen. Honderden vielen haar om den hals met alle bedenckelycke wewensch van segen en geluck over hare persoonen en familien, om dat sy haar so heusch en eerlyck buyten verwagtinge als het ware in desen gedragen hadden. Veele van de grooten en kleynen adel wierpen in het wegryden handen vol gelt onder tie armen luyden, om op de gesontheyt van den Coning, der Heeren Prelaten, en de Jurys te drincken."

<li>↑ "Mi trovava con Milord Sunderland la stessa mattina, quando venne l'Avvocato Generale a rendergli conto del successo, e disse, che mai piu a memoria d'huomini si era sentito un applauso, mescolato di voci e lagrime di giubilo, egual a quello che veniva egli di vedere in quest' occasione." Adda, July 6/16. 1688.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 744.; Citters, July 3/13 1688.

<li>↑ See a very curious narrative published among other papers, in 1710, by Danby, then Duke of Leeds. There is an amusing account of the ceremony of burning a Pope in North's Examen, 570. See also the note on the Epilogue to the Tragedy of Oedipus in Scott's edition of Dryden.

<li>↑ Reresby's Memoirs; Citters, 3/13 July 17. 1688; Adda 6/16 July; Barillon, July 2/12 Luttrell's Diary; Newsletter of July 4.; Oldmixon, 739.; Ellis Correspondence.

<li>↑ The Fur Praedestinatus.

<li>↑ This document will be found in the first of the twelve collections of papers relating to the affairs of England, printed at the end of 1688 and the beginning of 1689. It was put forth on the 26th of July, not quite a month after the trial. Lloyd of Saint Asaph about the same time told Henry Wharton that the Bishops purposed to adopt an entirely new policy towards the Protestant Dissenters; "Omni modo curaturos ut ecelesia sordibus et corruptelis penitus exueretur; ut sectariis reformatis reditus in ecclesiae sinum exoptati occasio ac ratio concederetur, si qui sobrii et pii essent; ut pertinacibus interim jugum le aretur, extinctis penitus legibus mulciatoriis."--Excerpta ex Vita H. Wharton.

<li>↑ This change in the opinion of a section of the Tory party is well illustrated by a little tract published at the beginning of 1689, and entitled "A Dialogue between Two Friends, wherein the Church of England is vindicated in joining with the Prince of Orange."

<li>↑ "Aut nunc, aut nunquam."--Witsen MS. quoted by Wagenaar, book lx.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 763.

<li>↑ Sidney's Diary and Correspondence, edited by Mr. Blencowe; Mackay's Memoirs with Swift's note; Burnet, i. 763.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 764.; Letter in cipher to William, dated June 18. 1688, in Dalrymple.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 764.; Letter in cipher to William, dated June 18 1688.

<li>↑ As to Montaigne, see Halifax's Letter to Cotton. I am not sure that the head of Halifax in Westminster Abbey does not give a more lively notion of him than any painting or engraving that I have seen.

<li>↑ See Danby's Introduction to the papers which he published in 1710; Burnet, i. 764.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 764.; Sidney to the Prince of Orange, June 30. 1688, in Dalrymple.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 763.; Lumley to William, May 31. 1688, in Dalrymple.

<li>↑ See the invitation at length in Dalrymple.

<li>↑ Sidney's Letter to William, June 30. 1688; Avaux Neg., July 10/20 12/22

<li>↑ Bonrepaux, July 18/28 1687.

<li>↑ Birch's Extracts, in the British Museum.

<li>↑ Avaux Neg., Oct 29/Nov 9 1683

<li>↑ As to the relation in which the Stadtholder and the city of Amsterdam stood towards each other, see Avaux, passim.

<li>↑ Adda, July 6/16 1688.

<li>↑ Reresby's Memoirs.

<li>↑ Barillon, July 2/12 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette of July 16. 1688. The order bears date July 12.

<li>↑ Barillon's own phrase, July 6/16 1688.

<li>↑ In one of the numerous ballads of that time are the following lines: "Both our Britons are fooled, Who the laws overruled, And next parliament each will he plaguily schooled."

The two Britons are Jeffreys and Williams, who were both natives of Wales.

<li>↑ London Gazette, July 9. 1688.

<li>↑ Ellis Correspondence, July 10. 1688; Clarendon's Diary, Aug. 3. 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, July 9. 1688; Adda, July 13/23 Evelyn's Diary, July 12. Johnstone, Dec. 8/18 1687, Feb. 6/16 1688.

<li>↑ Sprat's Letters to the Earl of Dorset; London Gazette, Aug. 23. 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, July 26. 1688; Adda, Ju1y 27/Aug 6.; Newsletter in the Mackintosh Collection, July 25. Ellis Correspondence, July 28. 31; Wood's Fasti Oxonienses.

<li>↑ Wood's Athenae Oxonienses; Luttrell's Diary, Aug. 23. 1688.

<li>↑ Ronquillo, Sept. 17/27 1688; Luttrell's Diary, Sept. 6.

<li>↑ Ellis Correspondence, August 4. 7. 1688; Bishop Sprat's relation of the Conference of Nov. 6. 1688.

<li>↑ Luttrell's Diary, Aug. 8. 1688.

<li>↑ This is told us by three writers who could well remember that time, Kennet, Eachard, and Oldmixon. See also the Caveat against the Whigs.

<li>↑ Barillon, Aug 24/Sept 1 1688; Sept. 3/13 6/16 8/18

<li>↑ Luttrell's Diary, Aug. 27. 1688.

<li>↑ King's State of the Protestants of Ireland; Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland.

<li>↑ Secret Consults of he Romish Party in Ireland.

<li>↑ History of the Desertion, 1689; compare the first and second editions; Barillon, Sept. 8/18 1688; Citters of the same date; Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 168. The compiler of the last mentioned work says that Churchill moved the court to sentence the six officers to death. This story does not appear to have been taken from the King's papers; I therefore regard it as one of the thousand fictions invented at Saint Germains for the purpose of blackening a character which was black enough without such daubing. That Churchill may have affected great indignation on this occasion, in order to hide the treason which he meditated, is highly probable. But it is impossible to believe that a man of his sense would have urged the members of a council of war to inflict a punishment which was notoriously beyond their competence.

<li>↑ The song of Lillibullero is among the State Poems, to Percy's Relics the first part will be found, but not the second part, which was added after William's landing. In the Examiner and in several pamphlets of 1712 Wharton is mentioned as the author.

<li>↑ See the Negotiations of the Count of Avaux. It would be almost impossible for me to cite all the passages which have furnished me with materials for this part of my narrative. The most important will be found under the following dates: 1685, Sept. 20, Sept. 24, Oct. 5, Dec. 20; 1686, Jan. 3, Nov. 22; 1687, Oct. 2, Nov. 6, Nov. 19 1688, July 29, Aug. 20. Lord Lonsdale, in his Memoirs, justly remarks that, but for the mismanagement of Lewis, the city of Amsterdam would have prevented the Revolution.

<li>↑ Professor Von Ranke, Die Romischen Papste, book viii.; Burnet, i. 759.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 758.; Lewis paper bears date Aug 27/Sept 6 1688. It will be found in the Recueil des Traites, vol. iv. no. 219.

<li>↑ For the consummate dexterity with which he exhibited two different views of his policy to two different parties he was afterwards bitterly reviled by the Court of Saint Germains. "Licet Foederatis publicus ille preado haud aliud aperte proponat nisi ut Galici imperii exuberans amputetur potesias, veruntamen sibi et suis ex haeretica faece complicibus, ut pro comperto habemus, longe aliud promittit, nempe ut, exciso vel enervato Francorum regno, ubi Catholicarum partium summum jam robur situm est, haeretica ipsorum pravitas per orbem Christisnum universum praevaleat."--Letter of James to the Pope; evidently written in 1689.

<li>↑ Avaux Neg., Aug. 2/12 10/20 11/21 14/24 16/26 17/27 Aug 23/Sept 2 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid., Sept. 4/14 1688.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 765.; Churchill's letter bears date Aug. 4. 1688.

<li>↑ William to Bentinck, Aug. 17/27 i688.

<li>↑ Memoirs of the Duke of Shrewsbury, 1718.

<li>↑ London Gazette, April 25. 28. 1687.

<li>↑ Secret Consults of the Romish Party in Ireland. This account is strongly confirmed by what Bonrepaux wrote to Seignelay, Sept. 12/22 1687. "Il (Sunderland) amassera beaucoup d'argent, le roi son maitre lui donnant la plus grande partie de celui qui provient des confiscations on des accommodemens que ceux qui ont encouru des peines font pour obtenir leur grace."

<li>↑ Adda says that Sunderland's terror was visible. Oct 26/Nov 5 1688.

<li>↑ Compare Evelyn's account of her with what the Princess of Denmark wrote about her to the Hague, and with her own letters to Henry Sidney.

<li>↑ Bonrepaux to Seignelay, July 11/21 1688.

<li>↑ See her letters in the Sidney Diary and Correspondence lately published. Mr. Fox, in his copy of Barillon's despatches, marked the 30th of August N.S. 1688, as the date from which it was quite certain that Sunderland was playing false.

<li>↑ Aug 19/29 1688

<li>↑ Sept 4/14 1688

<li>↑ Avaux, July 19/29 July 31/Aug 10 Aug.11/21 1688; Lewis to Barillon, Aug. 2/12, 16/26.

<li>↑ Barillon, Aug. 20/30 Aug 23/Sept 2 1688 Adda, Aug 24/Sept 3; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 177. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Lewis to Barillon, Sept. 3/13 8/18 11/21 1688.

<li>↑ Avaux, Aug 23/Sept 2, Aug 30/Sept 9 1688.

<li>↑ "Che l'adulazione e la vanita gli avevano tornato il capo"--Adda, Aug 31/Sept 10 1688.

<li>↑ Citters, Sept. 11/21 1688 Avaux, Sept. 17/27 Sept 27/Oct 7 Oct. 3 Wagenaar, book lx.; Sunderland's Apology. It has been often asserted that James declined the help of a French army. The truth is that no such army was offered. Indeed, the French troops would have served James much more effectually by menacing the frontiers of Holland than by crossing the Channel.

<li>↑ Lewis to Barillon, Sept. 20/30 1688.

<li>↑ Avaux, Sept 27/Oct 7 27. Oct. 4/14 1688.

<li>↑ Madame de Sevigne, Oct 24/Nov 3 1688.

<li>↑ Witsen MS. quoted by Wagenaar; Lord Lonsdale's Memoirs; Avaux, Oct. 4/14 5/15 1688. The formal declaration of the States General, dated Oct. 18/28 will be found in the Recueil des Traites, vol. iv. no. 225.

<li>↑ Abrege de la Vie de Frederic Duc de Schomberg, 1690; Sidney to William, June 30. 1688; Burnet, i. 677.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 584.; Mackay's Memoirs.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 775. 780.

<li>↑ Eachard's History of the Revolution, ii. 2.

<li>↑ Pepys's Memoirs relating to the Royal Navy, 1690. Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 186 Orig. Mem.; Adda, Sept 21/Oct 1 Citters, Sept 21/Oct 1

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James the Second, ii. 186. Orig. Mem.; Adda, Sept 14/Oct 2 Citters, Sept 21/Oct 1

<li>↑ Adda, Sept 28/Oct. 8. 1688. This despatch describes strongly James's dread of an universal defection of his subjects.

<li>↑ All the scanty light which we have respecting this negotiation is derived from Reresby. His informant was a lady whom he does not name, and who certainly was not to be implicitly trusted.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Sept. 24. 27., Oct. 1., 1688.

<li>↑ Tanner MSS.; Burnet, i. 784. Burnet has, I think, confounded this audience with an audience which took place a few weeks later.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Oct. 8. 1688.

<li>↑ Ibid.

<li>↑ Ibid. Oct. 15. 1688; Adda, Oct. 12/22 The Nuncio, though generally an enemy to violent courses, seems to have opposed the restoration of Hough, probably from regard for the interests of Giffard and the other Roman Catholics who were quartered in Magdalene College. Leyburn declared himself "nel sentimento che fosse stato non spoglio, e che il possesso in cui si trovano ora li Cattolici fosse violento ed illegale, onde non era privar questi di no dritto acquisto, ma rendere agli altri quello che era stato levato con violenza."

<li>↑ London Gazette, Oct. 18. 1688.

<li>↑ "Vento Papista." says Adda Oct 24/Nov 3 1688. The expression Protestant wind seems to have been first applied to the wind which kept Tyrconnel, during some time, from taking possession of the government of Ireland. See the first part of Lillibullero.

<li>↑ All the evidence on this point is collected in Howell's edition of the State Trials.

<li>↑ It will be found with much illustrative matter in Howell's edition of the State Trials.

<li>↑ Barillon, Oct. 8/18 16/26 18/28 Oct 25/Nov 4 Oct.27/Nov 6 Oct 29/Nov 8 1688; Adda, Oct 26/Nov 5

<li>↑ London Gazette, Oct. 29. 1688.

<li>↑ Register of the Proceedings of the States of Holland and West Friesland; Burnet, i. 782.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Oct. 29. 1688; Burnet, i. 782.; Bentinck to his wife, Oct. 21/31 Oct. 22/Nov 1 Oct 24/Nov 3 Oct. 27/Nov 6 1688.

<li>↑ Citters. Nov. 2/12 1688: Adda, Nov. 2/12

<li>↑ Ronquillo, Nov. 12/22 i688. "Estas respuestas," says Ronquillo, "son ciertas, aunque mas las encubrian en la corte."

<li>↑ London Gazette, Nov. 5 1688. The Proclamation is dated Nov. 2.

<li>↑ Tanner MSS.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 787.; Rapin; Whittle's Exact Diary; Expedition of the Prince of Orange to England, 1688; History of the Desertion, 1688; Dartmouth to James. Nov. 5. 1688, in Dalrymple.

<li>↑ Avaux, July 12/22 Aug. 14/24 1688. On this subject, Mr. De Jonge, who is connected by affinity with the descendants of the Dutch Admiral Evertsen, has kindly communicated to me some interesting information derived from family papers. In a letter to Bentinck, dated Sept. 6/16 1688, William insists strongly on the importance of avoiding an action, and begs Bentinck to represent this to Herbert. "Ce n'est pas le tems de faire voir sa bravoure, ni de se battre si l'on le peut eviter. Je luy l'ai deja dit: mais il sera necessaire que vous le repetiez et que vous le luy fassiez bien comprendre."

<li>↑ Rapin's History; Whittle's Exact Diary. I have seen a contemporary Dutch chart of the order in which the fleet sailed.

<li>↑ Adda, Nov. 1688; Newsletter in the Mackintosh Collection; Citters Nov 6/16

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 788.; Extracts from the Legge Papers in the Mackintosh Collection.

<li>↑ I think that nobody who compares Burnet's account of this conversation with Dartmouth's can doubt that I have correctly represented what passed.

<li>↑ I have seen a contemporary Dutch print of the disembarkation. Some men are bringing the Prince's bedding into the hut on which his flag is flying.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 789.; Legge Papers.

<li>↑ On Nov. 9. 1688, James wrote to Dartmouth thus: "Nobody could work otherwise than you did. I am sure all knowing seamen must be of the same mind." But see Clarke's Life of James, ii. 207. Orig. Mem,

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 790.

<li>↑ See Whittle's Diary, the Expedition of his Highness, and the Letter from Exon published at the time. I have myself seen two manuscript newsletters describing the pomp of the Prince's entrance into Exeter. A few months later a bad poet wrote a play, entitled "The late Revolution." One scene is laid at Exeter. "Enter battalions of the Prince's army, on their march into the city, with colours flying, drums beating, and the citizens shouting." A nobleman named Misopapas says,-- "can you guess, my Lord, How dreadful guilt and fear has represented Your army in the court? Your number and your stature Are both advanced; all six foot high at least, In bearskins clad, Swiss, Swedes, and Brandenburghers." In a song which appeared just after the entrance into Exeter, the Irish are described as mere dwarfs in comparison of the giants whom William commanded: "Poor Berwick, how will thy dear joys Oppose this famed viaggio? Thy tallest sparks wilt be mere toys To Brandenburgh and Swedish boys, Coraggio! Coraggio! Addison alludes, in the Freeholder, to the extraordinary effect which these romantic stories produced.

<li>↑ Expedition of the Prince of Orange; Oldmixon, 755.; Whittle's Diary; Eachard, iii. 911.; London Gazette, Nov. 15. 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Nov. 15 1688; Expedition of the Prince of Orange.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 210. Orig. Mem.; Sprat's Narrative, Citters, Nov 6/16 1688

<li>↑ Luttrell's Diary; Newsletter in the Mackintosh Collection; Adda, Nov 16/26 1688

<li>↑ Johnstone, Feb. 27. 1688 Citters of the same date.

<li>↑ Lysons, Magna Britannia Berkshire.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Nov. 15 1688; Luttrell's Diary.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 790. Life of William, 1703.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 215.; Orig. Mem.; Burnet, i. 790. Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 15 1688; London Gazette, Nov. 17.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 218.; Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 15. 1688 Citters, Nov. 16/26

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 15, i6, i7. 20. 1688.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 219. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, from Nov. 8. to Nov. 17. 1688.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 212. Orig. Mem.; Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 17.1688; Citters, Nov 20/30; Burnet, i. 79i.; Some Reflections upon the most Humble Petition to the King's most Excellent Majesty, 1688; Modest Vindication of the Petition; First Collection of Papers relating to English Affairs, 1688.

<li>↑ Adda, Nov. 12/22 1688.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, 220, 221.

<li>↑ Eachard's History of the Revolution.

<li>↑ Seymour's reply to William is related by many writers. It much resembles a story which is told of the Manriquez family. They, it is said, took for their device the words, "Nos no descendemos de los Reyes, sino los Reyes descienden de nos."-- Carpentariana.

<li>↑ Fourth Collection of Papers, 1688 Letter from Exon; Burner, i. 792.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 792.; History of the Desertion; Second Collection of Papers, 1688.

<li>↑ Letter of Bath to the Prince of Orange, Nov. 18. 1688; Dalrymple.

<li>↑ First Collection of Papers, 1688; London Gazette, Nov. 22.

<li>↑ Reresby's Memoirs; Clarke's. Life of James, ii. 231. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Cibber's Apology History of the Desertion; Luttrell's Diary; Second Collection of Papers, 1688.

<li>↑ Whittle's Diary; History of the Desertion; Luttrell's Diary.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, i. 222. Orig. Mem; Barillon, Nov 21/Dec 1 1688; Sheridan MS.

<li>↑ First Collection of Papers, 1688.

<li>↑ Letter from Middleton to Preston dated Salisbury, Nov. 25. "Villany upon villany," says Middleton, "the last still greater than the former. Clarke's Life of James, ii. 224, 225. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ History of the Desertion; Luttrell's Diary.

<li>↑ Dartmouth's note on Burnet, i. 643.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 26.; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 224.; Prince George's letter to the King has often been printed.

<li>↑ The letter, dated Nov. 18, will be found in Dalrymple.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 25, 26. 1688; Citters, Nov 26/Dec 6; Ellis Correspondence, Dec. 19.; Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication; Burnet, i. 792; Compton to the Prince of Orange, Dec. 2. 1688, in Dalrymple. The Bishop's military costume is mentioned in innumerable pamphlets and lampoons.

<li>↑ Dartmouth's note on Burnet, i. 792.; Citters Nov 26/Dec 6 1688; Clarke's Life of James, i. 226. Orig. Mem.; Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 26; Revolution Politics.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 236. Orig. Mem.; Burnet, i. 794.: Luttrell's Diary; Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 27. 1688; Citters, Nov 27/Dec 7 and Nov 30/Dec 10

Citters evidently had his intelligence from one of the Lords who were present. As the matter is important I will give two short passages from his despatches. The King said, "Dat het by na voor hem unmogelyck was to pardoneren persoonen wie so hoog in syn reguarde schuldig stonden, vooral seer uytvarende jegens den Lord Churchill, wien hy hadde groot gemaakt, en nogtans meynde de eenigste oorsake van alle dese desertie en van de retraite van hare Coninglycke Hoogheden te wesen." One of the lords, probably Halifax or Nottingham, "seer hadde geurgeert op de securiteyt van de lords die nu met syn Hoogheyt geengageert staan. Soo hoor ick," says Citters, "dat syn Majesteyt onder anderen soude gesegt hebben; 'Men spreekt al voor de securiteyt voor andere, en niet voor de myne.' Waar op een der Pairs resolut dan met groot respect soude geantwoordt hebben dat, soo syne Majesteyt's wapenen in staat warm om hem te connen mainteneren, dat dan sulk syne securiteyte koude wesen; soo niet, en soo de difficulteyt dan nog to surmonteren was, dat het den moeste geschieden door de meeste condescendance, en hoe meer die was, en hy genegen om aan de natie contentement te geven, dat syne securiteyt ook des to grooter soude wesen."

<li>↑ Letter of the Bishop of St. Asaph to the Prince of Orange, Dec. 17, 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Nov, 29. Dec.3. 1688; Clarendon's Diary, Nov. 29, 30.

<li>↑ Barillon, December 1/11 1688.

<li>↑ James to Dartmouth, Nov. 25. 1688. The letters are in Dalrymple.

<li>↑ James to Dartmouth, Dec. 1. 1688.

<li>↑ Luttrell's Diary.

<li>↑ Second Collection of Papers, 1688; Dartmouth's Letter, dated December 3. 1688, will be found in Dalrymple; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 233. Orig. Mem. James accuses Dartmouth of having got up an address from the fleet demanding a Parliament. This is a mere calumny. The address is one of thanks to the King for having called a Parliament, and was framed before Dartmouth had the least suspicion that His Majesty was deceiving the nation.

<li>↑ Luttrell's Diary.

<li>↑ Adda, Dec. 17. 1688.

<li>↑ The Nuncio says, "Se lo avesse fatto prima di ora, per il Re ne sarebbe stato meglio."

<li>↑ See the Secret History of the Revolution, by Hugh Speke, 1715. In the London Library is a copy of this rare work with a manuscript note which seems to be in Speke's own hand.

<li>↑ Brand's History of Newcastle; Tickell's History of Hull.

<li>↑ An account of what passed at Norwich may still be seen in several collections on the original broadside. See also the Fourth Collection of Papers, 1688.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 233.; MS. Memoir of the Harley family in the Mackintosh Collection.

<li>↑ Citters, Dec. 9/19 1688. Letter of the Bishop of Bristol to the Prince of Orange, Dec 5. 1688, in Dalrymple.

<li>↑ Citters, Nov 27/Dec 7 1688; Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 11.; Song on Lord Lovelace's entry into Oxford, 1688; Burnet, i. 793.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 2, 3, 4, 5. 1688.

<li>↑ Whittles Exact Diary; Eachard's History of the Revelation.

<li>↑ Citters, Nov. 20/30 Dec. 9/19 1688.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 6, 7. 1688.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 7. 1688.

<li>↑ History of the Desertion; Citters, Dec. 9/19 1688; Exact Diary; Oldmixon, 760.

<li>↑ See a very interesting note on the fifth canto of Sir Walter Scott's Rokeby.

<li>↑ My account of what passed at Hungerford is taken from Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 8, 9. 1688; Burnet, i. 794; the Paper delivered to the Prince by the Commissioners, and the Prince's Answer; Sir Patrick Hume's Diary; Citters Dec. 9/19

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 237. Burnet, strange to say, had not heard, or had forgotten, that the prince was brought back to London, i. 796.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 246.; Pere d'Orleans, Revolutions d'Angleterre, xi.; Madame de Sevigne, Dec. 14/24. 1688; Dangeau, Memoires, Dec. 13/23. As to Lauzun, see the Memoirs of Mademoiselle and of the Duke of St. Simon, and the Characters of Labruyere.

<li>↑ History of the Desertion; Clarke's Life Of James. ii. 251. Orig. Mem.; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution; Burnet, i. 795

<li>↑ History of the Desertion; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution; Fachard's History of the Revolution.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Dec. 13. 1688.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 259.; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution; Legge Papers in the Mackintosh Collection.

<li>↑ I take this opportunity of giving an explanation which well informed persons may think superfluous. Several critics have complained that I treat the Saint Germain's Life of James the Second sometimes as a work of the highest authority, and sometimes as a mere romance. They seem to imagine that the book is all from the same hand, and ought either to be uniformly quoted with respect or uniformly thrown aside with contempt. The truth is that part of the Life is of the very highest authority, and that the rest if the work of an ignorant and silly compiler, and is of no more value than any common Jacobite pamphlet. Those passages which were copied from the Memoirs written by James, and those passages which were carefully revised by his son, are among the most useful materials for history. They contain the testimony of witnesses, who were undoubtedly under a strong bias, and for whose bias large allowance ought to be made, but who had the best opportunity of learning the truth. The interstices between these precious portions of the narrative are sometimes filled with trash. Whoever will take the trouble to examine the references in my notes will see that I have constantly borne in mind the distinction which I have now pointed out. Surely I may cite, as of high authority, an account of the last moments of Charles the Second, which was written by his brother, or an account of the plottings of Penn, of Dartmouth, and of Churchill, which was corrected by the hand of the Pretender, and yet may, with perfect consistency, reject the fables of a nameless scribbler who makes Argyle, with all his cavalry, swim across the Clyde at a place where the Clyde is more than four miles wide. (1857.)

<li>↑ London Gazette, Dec. 13 1688; Barillon, Dec. 14/24.; Citters, same date; Luttrell's Diary; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 256. Orig. Mem; Ellis Correspondence, Dec. 13.; Consultation of the Spanish Council of State, Jan. 19/29, 1689. It appears that Ronquillo complained bitterly to his government of his losses; "Sirviendole solo de consuelo el haber tenido prevencion de poder consumir El Santisimo."

<li>↑ London Gazette, Dec. 13 1688; Luttrell's Diary; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution; Consultation of the Spanish Council of State, Jan. 19/29 1689. Something was said about reprisals: but the Spanish council treated the suggestion with contempt. "Habiendo sido este hecho por un furor de pueblo, sin consentimiento del gobierno y antes contra su voluntad, como lo ha mostrado la satisfaccion que le han dado y le han prometido, parece que no hay juicio humano que puede aconsejar que se pase a semejante remedio."

<li>↑ North's Life of Guildford, 220.; Jeffreys' Elegy; Luttrell's Diary; Oldmixon, 762. Oldmixon was in the crowd, and was, I doubt not, one of the most furious there. He tells the story well. Ellis Correspondence; Burnet, i. 797. and Onslow's note.

<li>↑ Adda, Dec. 9/19; Citters, Dec. 18/28

<li>↑ Citters, Dec. 14/24. 1688; Luttrell's Diary; Ellis Correspondence; Oldmixon, 761.; Speke's Secret History of the Revolution; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 257.; Eachard's History of the Revolution; History of the Desertion.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 258.

<li>↑ Secret History of the Revolution.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 13. 1688; Citters, Dec 14/24; Eachard's History of the Revolution.

<li>↑ Citters, Dec. 14/24 688; Luttrell's Diary.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James ii. 251. Orig. Mem.; Letter printed in Tindal's Continuation of Rapin. This curious letter is in the Harl. MSS. 6852.

<li>↑ Reresby was told, by a lady whom he does not name, that the King had no intention of withdrawing till he received a letter from Halifax, who was then at Hungerford. The letter, she said, informed His Majesty that, if he staid, his life would be in danger. This is certainly a mere romance. The King, before the Commissioners left London, had told Barillon that their embassy was a mere feint, and had expressed a full resolution to leave the country. It is clear from Reresby's own narrative that Halifax thought himself shamefully used.

<li>↑ Harl. MS. 255.

<li>↑ Halifax MS.; Citters, Dec. 18/28. 1688.

<li>↑ Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution.

<li>↑ See his proclamation, dated from St. Germains, April 20. 1692.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 261. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 16. 1688; Burnet, i. 800.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 262. Orig. Mem.; Burnet, i. 799 In the History of the Desertion (1689), it is affirmed that the shouts on this occasion were uttered merely by some idle boys, and that the great body of the people looked on in silence. Oldmixon, who was in the crowd, says the same; and Ralph, whose prejudices were very different from Oldmixon's, tells us that the information which he had received from a respectable eye witness was to the same effect. The truth probably is that the signs of joy were in themselves slight, but seemed extraordinary because a violent explosion of public indignation had been expected. Barillon mentions that there had been acclamations and some bonfires, but adds, "Le peuple dans le fond est pour le Prince d'Orange." Dec. 17/27 1688.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Dec. 16. 1688; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution; History of the Desertion; Burnet, i. 799.; Evelyn's Diary, Dec. 13. 17. 1688.

<li>↑ Clarke's History of James, ii. 262. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Barillon, Dec. 17/27 1681; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 271.

<li>↑ Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution; Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 16. 1688.

<li>↑ Burnet i. 800.; Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 17 1688; Citters, Dec. 18/28. 1688.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 800.; Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution. Clarendon says nothing of this under the proper date; but see his Diary, August 19. 1689.

<li>↑ Harte's Life of Gustavus Adolphus.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James ii. 264. mostly from Orig. Mem.; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution; Rapin de Thoyras. It must be remembered that in these events Rapin was himself an actor.

<li>↑ Clarke's Life of James, ii. 265. Orig. Mem.; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution; Burnet, i, 801.; Citters, Dec. 18/28. 1688.

<li>↑ Citters, Dec. 18/28. 1688; Evelyn's Diary, same date; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 266, 267. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Citters Dec. 18/28 1688,

<li>↑ Luttrell's Diary; Evelyn's Diary; Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 18. 1688; Revolution Politics.

<li>↑ Fourth Collection of papers relating to the present juncture of affairs in England, 1688; Burnet, i. 802, 803.; Calamy's Life and Times of Baxter, chap. xiv.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 803.

<li>↑ Gazette de France, Jan 26/ Feb 5 1689.

<li>↑ History of the Desertion; Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 21. 1688; Burnet, i. 803. and Onslow's note.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 21. 1688; Citters, same date.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 21, 22. 1688; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 268. 270. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Clarendon, Dec. 23, 1688; Clarke's Life of James, ii. 271. 273. 275. Orig. Mem.

<li>↑ Citters, Jan. 1/11. 1689; Witsen MS. quoted by Wagenaar, book lx.

<li>↑ Halifax's notes; Lansdowne MS. 255.; Clarendon's Diary, Dec. 24. 1688; London Gazette, Dec. 31.

<li>↑ Citters, Dec 28/Jan 4 1688.

<li>↑ The objector was designated in contemporary books and pamphlets only by his initials; and these were sometimes misinterpreted. Eachard attributes the cavil to Sir Robert Southwell. But I have no doubt that Oldmixon is right in putting it into the mouth of Sawyer.

<li>↑ History of the Desertion; Life of William, 1703; Citters, Dec 28/Jan 7 1688/9

<li>↑ London Gazette, Jan. 3. 7. 1688/9.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Jan. 10 17. 1688/9; Luttrell's Diary; Legge Papers; Citters, 1/11 4/14 11/21. 1689; Ronquillo, Jan. 15/25 Feb 23/Mar 5; Consultation of the Spanish Council of State. March 26/April 5

<li>↑ Burnet, i,. 802; Ronquillo, Jan. 2/12 Feb. 8/18. 1689. The originals of these despatches were entrusted to me by the kindness of the late Lady Holland and of the present Lord Holland. Prom the latter despatch I will quote a very few words: "La tema de S. M. Britanica a seguir imprudentes consejos perdio a los Catolicos aquella quietud en que les dexo Carlos segundo. V. E. asegure a su Santidad que mas sacare del Principe para los Catolicos que pudiera sacar del Rey."

<li>↑ On December 13/23. 1688, the Admiral of Castile gave his opinion thus: "Esta materia es de calidad que no puede dexar de padecer nuestra sagrada religion o el servicio de V. M.; porque, si e1 Principe de Orange tiene buenos succesos, nos aseguraremos de Franceses, pero peligrara la religion." The Council was much pleased on February 16/26 by a letter of the Prince, in which he promised "que los Catolicos que se portaren con prudencia no sean molestados, y gocen libertad de conciencia, por ser contra su dictamen el forzar ni castigar por esta razon a nadie."

<li>↑ In the chapter of La Bruyere, entitled "Sur les Jugemens," is a passage which deserves to be read, as showing in what light our revolution appeared to a Frenchman of distinguished abilities.

<li>↑ My account of the reception of James and his wife in France is taken chiefly from the letters of Madame de Sevigne and the Memoirs of Dangeau.

<li>↑ Albeville to Preston, Nov 23/Dec 3 1688, in the Mackintosh Collection.

<li>↑ "'Tis hier nu Hosanna: maar 't zal, veelligt, haast Kruist hem kruist hem, zyn." Witsen, MS. in Wagenaar, book lxi. It is an odd coincidence that, a very few years before, Richard Duke, a Tory poet, once well known, but now scarcely remembered except by Johnson's biographical sketch, had used exactly the same illustration about James "Was not of old the Jewish rabble's cry, Hosannah first, and after crucify?" The Review. Despatch of the Dutch Ambassadors Extraordinary, Jan. 8/18. 1689; Citters, same date.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Jan. 7. 1688/9.

<li>↑ The Sixth Collection of Papers, 1689; Wodrow, III. xii. 4. App. 150, 151; Faithful Contendings Displayed; Burnet, i. 804.

<li>↑ Perth to Lady Errol, Dec. 29. 1688; to Melfort, Dec. 21. 1688; Sixth Collection of Papers, 1689.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 805.; Sixth Collection of Papers, 1689.

<li>↑ Albeville, Nov. 9/19. 1688.

<li>↑ See the pamphlet entitled Letter to a Member of the Convention, and the answer, 1689; Burnet, i. 809.

<li>↑ Letter to the Lords of the Council, Jan. 4/14. 1688/9; Clarendon's Diary, Jan 9/19

<li>↑ It seems incredible that any man should really have been imposed upon by such nonsense. I therefore think it right to quote Sancroft's words,which are still extant in his own handwriting:

"The political capacity or authority of the King, and his name in the government, are perfect and cannot fail; but his person being human and mortal, and not otherwise privileged than the rest of mankind, is subject to all the defects and failings of it. He may therefore be incapable of directing the government and dispensing the public treasure, &c. either by absence, by infancy, lunacy, deliracy, or apathy, whether by nature or casual infirmity, or lastly, by some invincible prejudices of mind, contracted and fixed by education and habit, with unalterable resolutions superinduced, in matters wholly inconsistent and incompatible with the laws, religion, peace, and true policy of the kingdom. In all these cases (I say) there must be some one or more persons appointed to supply such defect, and vicariously to him, and by his power and authority, to direct public affairs. And this done I say further, that all proceedings, authorities, commissions, grants, &c. issued as formerly, are legal and valid to all intents, and the people's allegiance is the same still, their oaths and obligations no way thwarted. . . . So long as the government moves by the Kings authority, and in his name, all those sacred ties and settled forms of proceedings are kept, and no man's conscience burthened with anything he needs scruple to undertake."--Tanner MS.; Doyly's Life of Sancroft. It was not altogether without reason that the creatures of James made themselves merry with the good Archbishop's English.

<li>↑ Evelyn, Jan. 15. 1688/9.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Dee. 24 1688; Burnet, i. 819.; Proposals humbly offered in behalf of the Princess of Orange, Jan. 28. 1688/9.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 389., and the notes of Speaker Onslow.

<li>↑ Evelyn's Diary, Sept. 26. 1672, Oct. 12. 1679, July 13. 1700; Seymour's Survey of London.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 388.; and Speaker Onslow's note.

<li>↑ Citters, Jan 22/Feb 1 1689; Grey's Debates.

<li>↑ Lords' and Commons' Journals, Jan. 22. 1688; Citters and Clarendon's Diary of the same date.

<li>↑ Lords' Journals, Jan. 25. 1683; Clarendon's Diary, Jan. 23. 25.

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Jan. 28. 1688/9; Grey's Debates, Citters Jan 29/Feb 8 If the report in Grey's Debates be correct, Citters must have been misinformed as to Sawyer's speech.

<li>↑ Lords' and Commons' Journals, Jan. 29. 1688/9

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Jan. 21. 1688/9; Burnet, i. 810; Doyly's Life of Sancroft;

<li>↑ See the Act of Uniformity.

<li>↑ Stat. 2 Hen. 7. c. I.: Lord Coke's Institutes, part iii. chap i.; Trial of Cook for high treason, in the Collection of State Trials; Burnet, i. 873. and Swift's note.

<li>↑ Lords Journals Jan. 29. 1688/9; Clarendon's Diary; Evelyn's Diary; Citters; Eachard's History of the Revolution; Burnet, i. 813.; History of the Reestablishment of the Government, 1689. The numbers of the Contents and Not Contents are not given in the journals, and are differently reported by different writers. I have followed Clarendon, who took the trouble to make out lists of the majority and minority.

<li>↑ Grey's Debates; Evelyn's Diary; Life of Archbishop Sharp, by his son; Apology for the New Separation, in a letter to Dr. John Sharp, Archbishop of York, 1691.

<li>↑ Lords' Journals, Jan. 30. 1689/8; Clarendon's Diary.

<li>↑ Dartmouth's note on Burnet i. 393. Dartmouth says that it was from Fagel that the Lords extracted the hint. This was a slip of the pen very pardonable in a hasty marginal note; but Dalrymple and others ought not to have copied so palpable a blunder. Fagel died in Holland, on the 5th of December 1688, when William was at Salisbury and James at Whitehall. The real person was, I suppose, Dykvelt, Bentinck, or Zulestein, most probably Dykvelt.

<li>↑ Both the service and Burnet's sermon are still to be found in our great libraries, and will repay the trouble of perusal.

<li>↑ Lords' Journals, Jan. 31. 1688/9.

<li>↑ Citters, Feb. 5/15. 1689; Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 2. The story is greatly exaggerated in the work entitled Revolution Politics, an eminently absurd book, yet of some value as a record of the foolish reports of the day. Greys Debates.

<li>↑ The letter of James, dated Jan 24/Feb 3 1689, will be found in Kennet. It is most disingenuously garbled in Clarke's Life of James. See Clarendon's Diary, Feb. 2. 4.; Grey's Debates; Lords' Journals, Feb. 2. 4. 1688/9.

<li>↑ It has been asserted by several writers, and, among others, by Ralph and by M. Mazure, that Danby signed this protest. This is a mistake. Probably some person who examined the journals before they were printed mistook Derby for Danby. Lords' Journals, Feb. 4. 1688/9. Evelyn, a few days before, wrote Derby, by mistake, for Danby. Diary, Jan. 29. 1688/9

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Feb. 5. 1688/9

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 819.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Jan. 1, 4, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 1688/9; Burnet, i. 807.

<li>↑ Clarendon's Diary, Feb, 5. 168/9; Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication; Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution.

<li>↑ Burnet, i. 820. Burnet says that he has not related the events of this stirring time in chronological order. I have therefore been forced to arrange them by guess: but I think that I can scarcely be wrong in supposing that the letter of the Princess of Orange to Danby arrived, and that the Prince's explanation of his views was given, between Thursday the 31st of January, and Wednesday the 6th of February.

<li>↑ Mulgrave's Account of the Revolution. In the first three editions, I told this story incorrectly. The fault was chiefly my own but partly Burnet's, by whose careless use of the pronoun _he_, I was misled. Burnet, i. 818

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Feb. 6. 1688/9

<li>↑ See the Lords' and Commons' Journals of Feb. 6. 1688/9 and the Report of the Conference.

<li>↑ Lords' Journals, Feb. 6. 1688/9; Clarendon's Diary; Burnet, i. 822. and Dartmouth's note; Citters, Feb. 8/18,. I have followed Clarendon as to the numbers. Some writers make the majority smaller and some larger.

<li>↑ Lords Journals, Feb. 6, 7. 1688/9; Clarendon's Diary.

<li>↑ Commons Journals, Jan. 29., Feb. 2. 1688/9.

<li>↑ Commons' Journal's, Feb, 2. 1683.

<li>↑ Grey's Debates; Burnet, i. 822.

<li>↑ Commons' Journals, Feb. 4. 8. 11, 12.; Lords' Journals, Feb. 9. 11. 12, 1688/9

<li>↑ London Gazette, Feb. 14. 1688/9; Citters, Feb. 12/22.

<li>↑ Duchess of Marlborough's Vindication; Review of the Vindication; Burnet, i. 781. 825. and Dartmouth's note; Evelyn's Diary, Feb. 21. 1688/9.

<li>↑ Lords' and Commons' Journals, Feb. 14 1688/9; Citters, Feb. 15/25. Citters puts into William's mouth stronger expressions of respect for the authority of Parliament than appear in the journals; but it is clear from what Powle said that the report in the journals was not strictly accurate.

<li>↑ London Gazette, Feb. 14. 1688/9; Lords' and Commons' Journals, Feb. 13.; Citters, Feb 15/25; Evelyn, Feb. 21.

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