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 the sub-manufacturers, written in by appointees of Governor Smith to aid the right wing,—is another example.

The breaking up of a regularly called meeting of the Chicago Furriers' Union by labor officials, gangsters and police is still another example as were the two meetings of left wing needle workers broken up before the furriers' meetings by the same elements.

American Federation of Labor officialdom takes a more active and open part in the drive against militant unionism in the needle trades and thus gives it the character of an official movement on a national scale. This is shown by the, appointment of Vice-President Woll, also a vice-president of the Civic Federation, as honorary chairman of the finance committee of the Sigman machine in New York.

Here is shown again a close connection between labor officialdom and capitalist agencies like the Civic Federation. (In the mad scramble of officialdom for the favor of the bosses, it has been generally forgotten that the largest union in the A. F. of L., the United Mine Workers, prohibits membership in the Civic Federation under penalty of expulsion).

Vice-President Woll is one of the important links binding labor officialdom to the employers' organizations and their instrument—the United States government. Woll keeps President Coolidge informed of the activities of labor officialdom. In a letter given wide circulation in the official labor and capitalist press during the week of November 21–28, written by Woll and addressed to President Coolidge, he said:

Vice-President Woll (of the A. F. of L. and the Civic Federation) does not openly ask assistance, from Coolidge for the A. F. of L. campaign but Coolidge would have to be much less astute than he is not to be able to understand that such assistance would be welcomed as Woll is making what he believes are serious charges against the Communists.

How have the Communists, in the strikes mentioned, confused the "real issue between employer and employes," as Woll charges, and what does he mean by such a statement?

Is it a crime for Communist workers to lead or to try to lead strikes?

EFORE an answer is given to these questions it should be noted that there have be,en only four strikes of any consequence this year—the anthracite strike, the furriers' strike, the Passaic strike and the cloakmakers' strike. As Woll does not mention the anthracite strike in his indictment we