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 laboring class must be the work of the laborers themselves."

Undoubtedly there are bourgeois, who from a feeling of justice and humanity place themselves upon the side of the laborers and socialists, but these are only the exceptions; the mass of the bourgeoisie has class consciousness, a consciousness of being the ruling and exploiting class. Indeed, the mass of the bourgeoisie, just because they are a ruling class, have a much sharper and stronger class consciousness than the proletariat.

I conclude: you have asked my opinion, and I have given it to you. It is for you to do what the interests and the principles of the party demand that you should do.

Fraternal greeting to the convention at Epernay. Long live the France of the socialists and the laborers! Long live international socialism!

Weimar, Aug. 10th, 1899.

I have nothing to add to my letter. The events since then have justified it. The presence of a socialist in the government has accomplished nothing and prevented nothing that could not have been accomplished or prevented without this presence. On the other hand, in so far as the Social Democracy has caused or endorsed the entrance of a socialist into the government it has become in part responsible for all the sins of omission and of commission done by the government during the time in which a socialist was a member.

It may be said in excuse or justification that they have acted under extraordinary conditions,—to rescue the republic, which would otherwise have been lost. This excuse will not stand examination. The republic in France is not upheld by a few men in the government, including the socialist, but by the French laborers with whom