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 these ladies are necessarily absent from all discussions—they acquiesce in representation through men; on this ground I claim to represent them equally with Miss Lydia Becker. Of course the stereotyped retort is that slaves never wish to be free. I do not believe they are "enslaved" in the proper sense of this term, and so far am I from believing that political enfranchisement will free them, I am disposed to say it will, as far as their influence is felt in legislation, tend rather to enslave them more—for women are by nature timid, and disposed to lean on positive dogmas and positive authority. They are therefore opposed to progress and essentially Conservative. They will accept the vote if it is forced upon them by their radical sisters, and support all arbitrary and enslaving measures.

There is this to be said and very much more, which I will reserve for another occasion. I am content for the present to leave the Woman Suffrage advocates tied to this dilemma. Their movement assumes at present but one practical form— namely, a demand for increased Upper and Middle Class representation; if they support this they injure the political interest of the Working Class; if they make the larger demand of total Womanhood Suffrage, they will still more strengthen the present proposal, and though they may satisfy their consciences by a magnificent declaration of right, they must be well aware that they pursue an illusion.

I will now submit to your consideration the

Programme of the Electoral Reform Association, which is founded upon the arguments I have addressed to you. Our articles run thus:—


 * 1) Uniformity of Suffrage in Boroughs and Counties, and a genuine Lodger Franchise.
 * 2) Equality of Representation, to be secured by a re-distribution of seats, and re-arrangement of Electoral Districts.
 * 3) Compulsory Registration by parochial officers.
 * 4) Extension of the hours of polling in large towns.
 * 5) Candidates to be relieved from Official Expenses.
 * 6) Shorter Parliaments.