Page:What Are Conspiracy Theories? A Definitional Approach to Their Correlates, Consequences, and Communication.pdf/6

 as part of the conspiracy (Swami 2012). Indeed, there is evidence that exposure to anti-Semitic conspiracy theories predicts prejudice and discrimination not only against Jews but also against other groups who are not implicated by the conspiracy theory (e.g., Americans and Arabs; Jolley et al. 2020). Some research suggests that a tendency toward conspiracy theorizing is associated with prejudice against groups who are perceived to be powerful, such as Jews and Americans (Imhoff & Bruder 2014), although other research suggests that conspiracy theories can also assign power and agency to those who do not typically have it (e.g., immigrants and feminists; Nera et al. 2021). On the whole, conspiracy theories seem to play a part in reinforcing divisions and tensions between groups.

Conspiracy theories also have significant consequences for the acceptance of scientific findings—including not only belief in the accuracy of findings but also the willingness to act accordingly. For example, climate science has endured a long history of being targeted by conspiracy theories, causing disengagement with the climate crisis (Douglas & Sutton 2015). Experimental studies have shown that exposure to conspiracy theories suggesting that climate change is a hoax reduces participants’ intentions to become more energy efficient (Jolley & Douglas 2014b) and to sign a petition to mitigate climate change (van der Linden 2015). Belief in climate change conspiracy theories also seems to correlate with conspiracy theories about science in general, including about genetically modified food, the origins of the AIDS virus, and forensic evidence regarding the collapse of the Twin Towers following the 9/11 attacks (e.g., Lewandowsky et al. 2013, Uscinski et al. 2017; see also Rutjens et al. 2018).

Some of the most serious impacts of these anti-science conspiracy theories relate to human health. Anti-science conspiracy theories have been linked to risky health choices such as refusing vaccines (Craciun & Baban 2012, Jolley & Douglas 2014b), favoring alternative medicines (Lamberty & Imhoff 2018, Oliver & Wood 2014), refusing contraception (Grebe & Nattrass 2012, Thorburn & Bogart 2005), refusing to seek psychological help for mental health issues (Natoli & Marques 2021), and refusing to comply with COVID-19 safety guidelines (Biddlestone et al. 2020, Pummerer et al. 2022, Romer & Jamieson 2020), including refusing COVID-19 vaccination in favor of a life-threatening alternative treatment (Bertin et al. 2020).

Research also points to a more general tendency toward risky decision making. Conspiracy believers tend to have optimistically biased perceptions about risk (Chayinska et al. 2022), and conspiracy theories also appear to be more attractive to present-oriented people who prefer quick answers (Zajenkowski et al. 2022). Risky thinking and risky behavior, therefore, seem characteristic of conspiracy believers. Thus, even when conspiracy believers recognize risks, they may simply be more accepting of them.

Despite their negative consequences, there is evidence that conspiracy theories may also have some positive consequences. Research suggests they may help people with marginalized or stigmatized views experience a sense of community (Franks et al. 2017). They may increase accountability among those in power (Basham 2003, Dentith 2016) and encourage them to be transparent (Swami & Coles 2010). They may inspire collective action against unjust elites (Imhoff & Bruder 2014, Mari et al. 2017). In sum, a growing body of research makes it clear that conspiracy theories have a variety of important consequences.

In general, people can only believe in a conspiracy theory if they have been exposed to it. The communication of conspiracy theories is therefore important. However, less research attention has been paid to the transmission of conspiracy theories than to their antecedents and consequences (Douglas et al. 2019). The research that has been conducted suggests that the motivations to share conspiracy theories are different from the motivations to believe them. 276Douglas • Sutton