Page:United States Reports 502 OCT. TERM 1991.pdf/275

 502us1$11J 08-21-96 15:26:31 PAGES OPINPGT

Cite as: 502 U. S. 105 (1991)

117

Opinion of the Court

rather than taxing a percentage of it outright, this difference can hardly serve as the basis for disparate treatment under the First Amendment. Both forms of financial burden operate as disincentives to speak; indeed, in many cases it will be impossible to discern in advance which type of regulation will be more costly to the speaker. The Board next argues that discriminatory financial treatment is suspect under the First Amendment only when the legislature intends to suppress certain ideas. This assertion is incorrect; our cases have consistently held that “[i]llicit legislative intent is not the sine qua non of a violation of the First Amendment.” Minneapolis Star & Tribune Co. v. Minnesota Comm’r of Revenue, 460 U. S. 575, 592 (1983). Simon & Schuster need adduce “no evidence of an improper censorial motive.” Arkansas Writers’ Project, supra, at 228. As we concluded in Minneapolis Star: “We have long recognized that even regulations aimed at proper governmental concerns can restrict unduly the exercise of rights protected by the First Amendment.” 460 U. S., at 592. Finally, the Board claims that even if the First Amendment prohibits content-based financial regulation specifically of the media, the Son of Sam law is different, because it imposes a general burden on any “entity” contracting with a convicted person to transmit that person’s speech. Cf. Cohen v. Cowles Media Co., 501 U. S. 663, 670 (1991) (“[E]nforcement of . . . general laws against the press is not subject to stricter scrutiny than would be applied to enforcement against other persons or organizations”). This argument falters on both semantic and constitutional grounds. Any “entity” that enters into such a contract becomes by definition a medium of communication, if it was not one already. In any event, the characterization of an entity as a member of the “media” is irrelevant for these purposes. The government’s power to impose content-based financial disincentives on speech surely does not vary with the identity of the speaker.