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 being of the workers, is irrealisable; third, the tendency towards the creation of a single economic management regulated on a general plan by the proletariat of all nations, as a whole; this tendency visibly manifested itself already under the capitalist order, and undoubtedly deserves further development and final perfection under Socialism.

9. In respect to internal state relations, the national policy of the Communist International cannot be limited by the simply formal, purely declarative and in no wise binding recognition of the equality of nations, like that of the bourgeois-democrats—either calling themselves such openly, or passing under the name of Socialists like the Socialists of the Second International.

Not only in the whole propaganda activity of the Communist Party—both in the parliaments and out of them—must the constant violations of the rights of nations and guarantees of rights of nationalist minorities occurring in all the capitalist states, not withstanding their "democratic" constitutions, be infallibly denounced, but it is necessary also, first, to explain constantly that the Soviet order can alone be in a position to establish the equality of nations, uniting first the proletarians, and afterward the whole mass of workers, in the struggle against the bourgeoisie; second, all the Communist Parties must render a direct assistance to the revolutionary movements of the dependent or subordinated nations (for instance, in Ireland, to the negroes in America, etc.), and in the colonies.

Without this last and specially important condition, the struggle against the oppression of the dependent nations and colonies, and likewise the recognition of their rights to a separate existence as states, is only a deceitful signboard, such as we see in the parties of the Second International.

10. The recognition of internationalism verbally and its substitution in practice, in all the propaganda, canvassing and other practical work by petty bourgeois na-