Page:The issue; the case for Sinn Fein.djvu/13

11 the hysterical asseveration of Mr. John Dillon, whose chief electioneering argument—part from abuse—is that the only alternative to Westminster Rebellion. It seems rather curious doesn't it, that we cannot sit tight here in our own country and win independence as Hungary, did under Deak But perhaps Mr. Dillon means that if we were not distracted and bamboozled by the fighting on the floor of the House we would not so tamely acquiesce in our, oppression; and probably Mr. Dillon is right. But, after all, conscription was beaten without rebellion, and Mr. Dillon's adherence (however lukewarm) to The Mansion House Committee showed that he believed it could be beaten without physical force. And when Mr. Dillon signed the No-Rent Manifesto he was; though he knew it not, a staunch upholder of Sinn Fein:—

"'Against the passive resistance of an entire population, military bower has no weapons. &hellip; No power on earth except faintheartedness on your own part, can defeat you &hellip; The world is watching to see whether all your splendid hopes and noble courage will crumble away at the first threat of a cowardly tyranny Stand together in the face of the brutal and cowardly enemies of your race. &hellip; Stand passively, firmly, fearlessly by, while the armies of England may be engaged in their hopeless struggle against a spirit which their weapons cannot touch &hellip; The Government. will learn in a single winter how powerless is armed force against the will of a united, determined and self-reliant nation.'"

Would to God that this was the message which Mr Dillon had. for Ireland to-dav! Michael Davitt's comment on the No-Rent Manifesto is interesting:—

"'While I admit its great success as far as results were concerned, I think that it dulled a weapon which .could have been usea to give the final blow to landlordism in Ireland. Had the League waited until two or three hundred thousand tenant-farmers were ready to obey it, it would have involved the eviction of a million of people. That would have been a measure winch the Government could not have faced and the result Would have been the downfall of the system of landlordism. Still, the results were immediate. The landlords offered the largest possible reduction of rents, and Mr. Gladstone offered to release the suspects and bring forward the Arrears Bill.'"

There in Davitt's words, you have the central belief of Sinn Fern: reliance' on the moral solidarity and economic power of a Nation. Even a small determined minority, if prepared to suffer can effect enormous reforms. The English Suffragettes have won the franchise for women. It was certainly not by physical force-even the militant suffragettes did not rebel, though they burnt houses, broke statues, and harried politicians. A handful of determined women made government extremely difficult and thus they won the vote 'in spite of Parliament. If such is the power of a minority, how irresistible would be an entire nation. Secure even only one million determined adherents of Sinn Fein, and in six months English government will be at an end. That is our belief, and it is based on solid facts of history—Hungarian Independence. English suffrage struggle, Irish victory over conscription. There are limits to the possibilities of brute force. At this stage of the world it is impossible to slaughter a nation, it is impossible to cope with a nation of passive resistors. What is to be done with a million or so of people who refuse to pay taxes, who combine to secure the products of their own country, who repudiate the authority of the intruders? That is the problem which England does not want to face in this country. The only way for Irishmen to secure a government based on