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 'political' interests as demanding joint action in almost every instance, because they are always matters fraught with the risk of serious foreign complications. The category would include such matters as the rights of British subjects in foreign countries, or territorial disputes. In such questions there is always the possibility of trouble. But the second section, namely, 'commercial' interests, includes matters which are not usually sources of foreign complications (though they may become so), and therefore do not demand joint action in every case. Examples are furnished by the commercial relations between Canada and the United States, including not only tariff questions, but such minor matters as railway bonding privileges and the like. Again, our own commercial arrangements with European countries can be settled by our own Government, without the assistance of colonial Governments. In such matters no common policy is possible until we have commercial union, which is not in sight at present.

By 'internal' interests I mean matters affecting the mutual relationship of the several countries within the Empire, and not involving negotiation with foreign Powers. Some of these matters, including especially Defence, Tariff, and Alien Immigration, are 'vital'—that is to say, they are so important to the safety or welfare of the individual nation as such that it is difficult to obtain general assent for a comprehensive Imperial policy or the institution of any form of federal Executive. It is manifest already that Imperial defence can be organized only on the basis of allowing each nation to keep entire control of its own naval and military forces. Canada, the leader of the younger nations, seems to have made it clear that she cannot be induced by any offer of representation to surrender any portion of her control to a joint authority. That is a definite fact with which Imperial statesmanship must