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 though unsuccessfully, to reduce still further, and no complaints against them have been laid before us.'

It has, indeed, been suggested recently by the advocates of State enterprise or State socialism that the Imperial Government should lay its own cable or cables across the Atlantic to Canada. This singular proposal, if adopted, would play directly into the hands of the foreigner—e.g., of Germany. For, if our existing British-owned cables are to be competed with by our own Government as well as by Germans and others, their profits would entirely disappear. The cables would be taken up or abandoned, the British capital would be lost, and British private cable enterprise would vanish from the North Atlantic. The German companies, who live on their State subsidies, would occupy the field abandoned by ourselves. I cannot imagine, therefore, a more ill-judged proposition.

My conclusions on this branch of the subject, accordingly, are that British private enterprise—(a) at no inconsiderable risk to itself, and (b) in the face of a severe and increasing competition, has provided (c) a reasonably cheap and efficient cable connection with Canada, (d) receiving in return a not undue remuneration.

Turning next to our connections with India, it is clear from the map that the most direct route to India is by land-line across Europe to Constantinople, thence across Turkey in Asia to Fao, at the head of the Persian Gulf, and thence by submarine cable to Karachi in India. This route actually exists. The latter section of it consists of cables owned by the Indo-European Telegraph Department of the Indian Government, running from Fao to Karachi. This route to India was opened as long ago as February, 1865, when the first telegram reached our great dependency; but owing to the peculiarities of Turkish administration,