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 with modern economics and politics, the book is admirably clear from its point of view. But that point of view is purely anti-Imperial. Here is one of Mr. Chamberlain's most intelligent and temperate opponents in Europe, whose treatise is recommended by the principal Free Trade organ in this country. Yet Dr. Aubry admits fully, without reserve, that Mr. Chamberlains policy would succeed in its purposes. It would maintain and develop the political power of the Empire; but that is not to our economic Girondin a proper economic aim. 'Mr. Chamberlain's projects of reform aim at constituting the British Empire into a complete self-sufficing organism, and are consequently in perfect harmony with the prevailing conception of political interests. But the great error lies in thinking that these reforms could have any other result than to preserve political interests or interests of domination.' Dr. Aubry distrusts Imperialism in itself, and thinks its progress would lead to aggression. Owing, apparently, to the increased armaments we should be compelled on this assumption to support, we should suffer economic losses, 'but they would be compensated for by an increase of political power.' The author of 'La Politique Commerciale de l'Angleterre' concedes the political argument of these pages—which have already answered his purely economic contentions—that preference would conduce to the maintenance of Empire. Upon the basis of his plea for the Navigation Laws, Adam Smith himself would be compelled to arrive at the same conclusion as the French Free Trader.