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 women could derive from the result was that the campaign was a refutation of those who profess to fear that women will vote solid against men; for if they are so divided when their own greatest interest is concerned, they are hardly likely to unite in any lesser cause. Here, as before, the heroic policy is attractive, and has a logical basis. Private members may pledge themselves, may introduce bills till the crack of doom, but until a Government takes up the question, nothing can be done. Governments, then, are the proper object of attack, and no man shall become a member of Parliament who supports a Government which refuses to make our cause its own. This policy differs from the Adult Suffrage policy in that it would be absolutely justified by success; but it is even less likely to succeed. It depends upon a serious exaggeration of the forces that can be brought into the field, and there are few worse errors in tactics than this. The great mass of those who want votes for women are not going to subordinate every other political conviction to that, and unless they would do so, this policy could not possibly succeed. The possibilities of such a subordination are too obvious. Suppose that the present Government could be turned out—and on the most cheerful calculation it would take some years to do it by means of by-elections fought on the Suffrage question—what would be the feelings of Liberal Suffragists when they found themselves under a Tory Government, which would be opposed to all their convictions but one, and would be no more pledged to respect that one than its predecessor? Besides, it is preposterous to ask any