Page:The Spirit of Russia by T G Masaryk, volume 2.pdf/456

430 would be "his majesty's opposition" and not opposition to his majesty. After the attempt on the life of Stolypin (September 15, 1911), Miljukov's organ published a solemn declaration to the effect that the Constitutional Democratic Party condemned political outrage, and would countenance nothing beyond norntal political evolution.

Liberalism thus recognised the state, and proclaimed its willingness to work directly in favour of the strengthening of the state, expressed its readiness ultimately to cooperate, as a governmental party, in the activities of the state. The emphasis laid in cadet policy upon the importance of maintaining state authority may have been due to the fact that at this time the social democracy was exhibiting anarchist leanings. Possibly, too, the liberal faith in the mechanism of state (cf. Gradovskii's opinion of the westernisers, recorded in § 72) played a part in this development.

Whilst in Germany, too, the cooperation of liberals with social democrats has been recommended (by the liberals), we have to remember that Russian party relationships and Russian conditions in general differ widely from those which obtain in Germany, in England, and in France. Whereas the German social democrats regard parliament as the chief weapon in their armoury, the Russian social democrats are not yet agreed upon this matter. The social revolutionaries (not to speak of the anarchists) are still more dubious as to the value of parliament. The divergence between legal and illegal political opposition is extremely wide, and it is hard for illegal parties to abandon their customary tactics.

We have further to remember that tsarism is altogether different from French republican government, and differs greatly also from Prussian monarchy.

As members of a state party, the liberals have expressed their views very plainly in the controversy concerning the question of nationality.

They have always been non-nationalist, having rightly opposed nationalism as advocated by Uvarov and his successors, and above all as advocated by Katkov.

When the constitution was secured after the revolution, and when the political parties were being organised, the liberals split into two large factions, that of the octobrists and that of the constitutional democrats. The octobrists may be described as the national liberals of Russia. In a general