Page:The Spirit of Russia by T G Masaryk, volume 1.pdf/182

156 This can in no sense be regarded as a constitution. It was a conservative concession to the moderate supporters of the existing system. A similar scheme had been drafted by Count Valuev as far back as 1863, elaborated in 1866 by Grand Duke Constantine Nikolaievič, rediscussed in the beginning of 1880 by the tsar and some of his advisers, and then rejected. It was the doom of Alexander that he should fail to make the concessions whose necessity he had recognised on ascending the throne.

T the opening of his reign. Alexander III ordered that his father's intentions should be carried out unchanged, and that Loris-Melikov's constitution should be adopted. Speedily, however, he rescinded this resolution, and reactionary oppres- sion became dominant in all departments. This reaction took the form of exacting revenge for the murder of Alexander II, and it became known as the white terror.

Even the most rigid of legitimists must admit that immediately after the death of Alexander II the revolutionary executive committee issued a formal despatch to the tsar, admirably written, indicating that the granting of a constitution was the only means by which Russia could be tranquillised. As if in answer, on March 13th a "council of deputies" was created to collaborate with the prefect of St. Petersburg. This body, which had but a short life, was popularly known as the "rams' parliament," for the prefect of St. Petersburg was named Baranov, and baran is the Russian for ram. "Restrict education" was the tsar's formal command to the minister for education.

The manifesto in which Alexander promised to maintain and to strengthen the autocracy entrusted him by God, was described by Katkov as "the heavenly manna … which restores to Russia the Russian autocratic tsar, empowered by God and responsible to God alone." In this spirit the adminis-