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 we can respect; it knows its own mind, and is very clear and definite as to its objects, and whatever we may think as to the practicability of these objects it has a logical and well-defined social policy. Between these two extremes, there is that large loose and fluctuating body of public opinion, which, though it is certainly not Socialist at heart in the true sense of the word, yet derives its chief inspiration from the academic Socialists, and is prepared to accept a large part of their programme. It is actuated by various motives, some of which are purely philanthropic, others political. It has not any very definite programme, and has not thought out the matter very clearly, neither have its adherents considered the logical consequences of measures hastily adopted by them. For example, it was probably something of a shock to the authors of the Unemployed Workmen Act to hear it cited the other day by Mr Ramsay Macdonald as the basis of his "Right to Work" Bill. Yet Mr Ramsay Macdonald was undoubtedly justified in his assumption. Similarly, Mr Chamberlain's scheme for contributing old age pensions by way of deferred annuity has developed into a scheme for universal non-contributory pensions, and the Provision of Meals Act is clearly another step in the direction of the State maintenance of children. This body of opinion, if indeed it deserves the name of opinion, is most heterogeneous in composition. It includes a vast number of people sincerely anxious to improve social conditions, but who have had no practical experience of social work, and have no clear idea as to how to set about it. It includes many who are tossed to and fro between the waves of sense and sensibility, and whose opinions are, to use the words of an old writer, "milde, mungrel, and ambiguous." It includes many political oppor-