Page:The Slave Struggle in America.djvu/17

 Ellsworth, a member of the Committee, made a speech which stands out beyond others for its cold cruelty. He urged that in Maryland and Virginia—both, but Virginia especially, fast gaining the horrible name of "Slave-breeding States"—it was cheaper to raise than import slaves; but in the sickly rice swamps foreign importation was necessary, and it would be unjust to South Carolina and Georgia to prohibit their importation. He added: "Let us not intermeddle; as population increases, poor laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless." This debate, despite the grand and eloquent denunciations uttered by the more earnest advocates of abolition, ended in a compromise which permitted the slave trade until 1808, subject to a tax to be determined by Congress. Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Connecticut gave their votes in favor of the slave power. Shall we blame those New-England States for consenting to this measure? Let us think for a moment of the condition of affairs. A terrible war, lasting over eight years, but just ended with all the consequences which surely follow all wars, just or unjust. Credit destroyed, the country in confusion. What was to be done if the Southern States refused to confederate? The Colonies could certainly not maintain their independence if disunited. Here we have the key to the action of the New-England States when they conceded twenty years more life to slavery in North America. South Carolina demanded that fugitive slaves and servants should be delivered up like criminals, and an article was inserted enabling masters to recover their slaves escaping into other States.

The first Congress which met under the constitution had to discuss the tax upon imported slaves. A tax of ten dollars was proposed, and then withdrawn under great pressure. Before long came memorials lamenting the evils of slavery, and praying for their immediate abatement. But the slave-power in Congress was very strong, and these memorials gave rise to the most excited discussion. The first debate in Congress on anti-slavery petitions was on the presentation of a petition from some Quakers to the House of Representatives. Quakers were spoken of in the most contemptuous terms, and the representative from Georgia wanted "to know if the whole morality of the world is confined to Quakers?" "The Savior," he declared, "had more benevolence and commiseration than they pretend to have, and he admitted slavery." Later a memorial, signed by Benjamin Franklin, was presented, in which it was urged "that mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of happiness." The representative of South Carolina replied that the Southern clergy did not condemn either slavery or the slave trade. Georgia boasted that religion was not only not against it, but that "from Genesis to Revelation the current was set strong