Page:The Russian Review Volume 1.djvu/85

Rh Kaiser, "Suprema lex regit voluntas," and to the most  recent motto proclaimed by Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg, "Not kennt kein Gebot." Europe, which complacently watched the transformation of the tiny Grand Duchy of Brandeburg into the Kingdom of Prussia and later into the German Empire, was itself somewhat hypnotized by the marvelous growth of the German power. Still, it often showed its fear of this power, though permitting Germany to attain a dominating influence over the affairs of the Continent. As to America, it is sufficient to remind the reader of the many articles of recent years in our press, which invariably eulogized the Kaiser and called him the War Lord of Europe. He was not slow to become cognizant of this widespread feeling of surprise and dread, and it is this consciousness that he summed up by another saying, "No great decision in the affairs of the world can be taken without Germany and her Emperor." This political domination, attained by military strength, flattered the German people, and turned its thought from the lofty, humanitarian ideals of the beginning of the nineteenth century to the arrogant assertion of new idols: the Kaiser, the State, and the Army. The idea that power alone produces results, while sentiment and humanitarian notions weaken a nation, became prevalent in Germany, and created these new, inexorable gods. In the course of time, as an unavoidable consequence, economic domination became an integral and prominent part of this platform, and in the end, national egotism, fed by State utilitarianism upon the soil of practical materialism, became the substance of German policy towards the world. Germany began to think that she was not only strong enough to take, but that she was actually entitled to, anything in the world that she might happen to want. German arrogance often bordered on insolence. It is sufficient to remember several of the Kaiser's speeches to the Reichstag and to his army, his despatch to Paul Krüger, Admiral Dietrich's behavior in Manila Bay, and the Agadir incident.

Energetic efforts of both the Government and the people, led by identical impulses and concentrated upon identical aims, evolved a very high degree of efficiency in all directions and produced a mighty and a highly disciplined power. It is a machine blindly obedient to a central rule, unscrupulous, and devoid of any human feeling. The presence of the agents of this machine is felt in every corner of the globe. America is permeated from one end to the other by their activity, and no country seems to be small enough to be overlooked by them and their crafty intrigues. The size, the might, the omnipresence of this power were undoubtedly much underrated by the world.

But, mighty as it is, there is revealed one exceedingly weak point in this great structure,—a point which should prove fatal to it. Bismarck, in laying its foundations and leading it to its zenith, used methods entirely different from those employed to-day. He did not flourish the mailed fist; he did not show contempt for everybody else; he had the public opinion of the world with him in all his wars. Although himself the real