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 soon began to agitate for Bristow, whose mettle as an aggressive and efficient reformer had been tested. Blaine, however, was developing great strength, and was favorably regarded by many of the Independents, because he had advocated some liberal measures and was always mentally alert and winning. Morton and Conkling were his strongest rivals. As Grant's lieutenants and ready champions, between them they commanded most of the strictly partisan support. The passions of the wartime were dozing. In order to draw off from Morton and Conkling their peculiarly partisan support, Blaine, on January 10, 1876, found an opportunity in the House of Representatives to make a spectacular attack on the ex-Confederates and in the most lurid colors to describe the horrors of the Confederate prisons. The effect was instantaneous. Northern prejudice blazed forth. Blaine stalked to the center of the stage. But he had not foreseen the influence of such a maneuver on the Independents that had favored him. Many of them promptly withdrew their misplaced confidence.

Schurz had long correctly estimated Blaine's character. On January 4, 1876, and before this new revelation, Schurz wrote to Bowles: “Strong efforts are made here [New York City] for Blaine and Bristow. Our friend [William Walter] Phelps has again succumbed under the ‘personal magnetism’ of the former, and Nordhoff also. It seems they have so engaged themselves that the chances of recovery are slim. I do my very best, but with little hope.” Six days after Blaine's sensational speech Schurz sent Bowles this cheerful comment: “It seems almost as if Blaine had virtually killed himself as a candidate, as I always thought he would. He may seemingly revive, but I am sure he will die of too much smartness at last.”