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 In Congress, where Mr. Stevens with his characteristic sarcasm described the whole story of the President's speech as a malignant invention of Mr. Johnson's enemies, the hope of preventing a permanent breach between him and the Republican majority was even then not entirely extinct. On the 26th of February Sherman made a long and carefully prepared speech in the Senate advocating harmony. He recounted all the virtues Andrew Johnson professed and all the services he had rendered and solemnly affirmed his belief that he had always acted upon patriotic motives and in good faith. But he could not refrain from “deeply regretting his speech of the 22nd of February.” He added that it was “impossible to conceive a more humiliating spectacle than the President of the United States invoking the wild passions of a mob around him with the utterance of such sentiments as he uttered on that day.” Still, Mr. Sherman thought that “this was no time to quarrel with the Chief Magistrate.” Other prominent Republicans, such as General Jacob D. Cox of Ohio—one of the noblest men I have ever known—called upon him to expostulate with him in a friendly spirit, and he gave them amiable assurances, which, however, subsequently turned out to have been without meaning. Then something happened which cut off the last chance of mutual approach.

On March 13th the House passed the Civil Rights Bill, which the Senate had already passed on the 2nd of February. Its main provision was that all persons born in the United States excepting Indians, not taxed, were declared to be citizens of the United States, that such citizens of every race and color should have the same rights in every State and Territory of the United States to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property, and to enjoy the full and