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 disapproved. Yesterday I returned from Philadelphia where I had spent two days, and I can assure you that among the firmest supporters of the administration I did not hear a single voice in favor of it. I admit, I do not know what objects are intended to be gained by secrecy. I take it for granted that they are of no futile character. But if it is important that the accused should be convicted and sentenced, and that, perhaps with a view to further developments, the testimony as it appears should be kept from some conspirators still at large, it is of vastly greater importance that the trial should be absolutely fair, not only in spirit but also in appearance.

“When the government charged, before the whole world, the chief of the rebellion with having instigated the assassination of Mr. Lincoln, it took upon itself the grave obligation to show that this charge was based upon evidence sufficient to bear it out. I am confident you would not have ventured upon this step, had you not such evidence in your possession. But the government is bound to lay it before the world in a manner which will command the respect even of the incredulous. You will admit that a Military Commission is an anomaly in the judicial system of this republic; still I will not question here its propriety in times of extraordinary dangers. At all events, to submit this case to a Military Commission, a case involving in so pointed a manner the credit of the government, was perhaps the utmost stretch of power upon which the government could venture without laying itself open to the imputation of unfair play. But an order to have such a case tried by a Military Commission behind closed doors, thus establishing a secret tribunal, can hardly fail to damage the cause of the government most seriously in the opinion of mankind.—This is the most important state trial this country ever had. The whole civilized world will scrutinize its proceedings with the utmost