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 institutions they have not only the right, but also the duty to defend those institutions to the last with all means within their reach, even with musket and pointed steel. In this sense I profess to accept the principle of revolution for which my own blood has flowed, and even to-day, wholly in the power of my adversaries, I confess with the pale lips of the prisoner that this principle is mine. And therefore I also believe that together with the friends at my side I was right when I took up the battle and offered to my principles the highest sacrifice. A high aim was before our eyes. Had we conquered we would have saved to our people peace within itself; the unity of the Fatherland, this fundamental idea of the German revolution, and with it the key to all future developments of prosperity and greatness. Gentlemen, we have not conquered. The people have not carried this struggle through, but have abandoned us, us who advanced in the lead. The consequences fall upon our heads.”

Now he declared how in this struggle he had not hesitated to associate himself with persons without education and even of doubtful repute. “For,” he said, “no great idea had ever been disgraced because the populace and the publicans accepted it.” Then he explained how the penal provisions of the Code Napoleon, which was still the law in the Rhineland, could not be applied to the public conditions of 1848; that this code had been designed for an absolute military monarchy; that after the revolution the Germans were entitled to arm themselves as a people with free choice of their leaders—and this for the purpose of enabling the people to protect their rights against encroachments. “We are told that we attempted to subvert the existing constitution of the kingdom. What constitution is meant? The new Prussian? Who ever thought of that? Or the Frankfurt national constitution? To protect this