Page:The Proletarian Revolution in Russia - Lenin, Trotsky and Chicherin - ed. Louis C. Fraina (1918).djvu/445

 are within the existing Social and Trade laws of Russia and provide that we take part in the exploitation of these resources, retain a part of the proceeds and reserve the right of control.

4. The concessions cover the following branches of the State's economy: (a) The production of oil. (b) The building of railroads. (c) The preparation and exploitation of certain branches of agriculture by introducing more scientific and technical methods of agriculture, under the condition that Germany will receive a certain part of the products resulting from such methods. (d) The production of artifical fertilizer. (e) The exploitation of the gold fields.

5. For the realization of these measures all the productive forces of Russia must be mobilized.

The following are the necessary conditions under which the agreement is sanctioned:

(a) No interference whatsoever by Germany in our internal politics.

(b) No intervention by Germany in those countries with which she was formerly united, by the conclusion of mutual economic treaties, to wit: Ukraine, Poland, the Baltic Provinces (Estland) and the Caucasus.

(c) Recognition by Germany of the nationalization of foreign trade and the banks.

(d) Guarantee from Germany of the continuation of the supply of ore to Soviet Russia from Krivoi Rog in the Kherson government, and from the Caucasus, from which districts Russia has hitherto received at least half of the total ore production.

(e) Ratification of the boundary between Ukraine and the Don region whereby Russia shall be awarded the Donetz coal mines, as at present this boundary line runs through the center of the mines.

Concerning the demand that we meet our obligations by payment with products, we call attention to the fact that our decided refusal to agree with these claims does not mean that we refuse, for, as far as our position as a neutral nation makes this possible to supply Germany with raw materials and products, we are willing to deliver to her what we can without injury to our own interests, without conflicting with the situation of our country as a neutral nation.

But our interests, the interests of an exhausted nation, make it necessary that we receive in return for products which are expensive in Europe at present such products as are absolutely necessary for the restoration of the country.

Relative to the opinions existing in the capitalistic centres of Germany, that our social experiments make the concessions worthless, that the nationalization excludes the possibility of making profits for foreign capitalists, we declare: Our country is in a state of deterioration; every other form of restoration, except the form which is pointed out by the German capitalists as a Socialistic experiment, would be resisted by strong opposition of the masses, as the people have learned by grave experience of many years never to submit again to the uncontrolled capitalistic mix-up of restoration. If German Capitalism would reckon with this fact,—and a fact it surely is—then the German capitalistic centres would understand that we have, after the inevitable period of confusion, reached the work of organization, and