Page:The Proletarian Revolution in Russia - Lenin, Trotsky and Chicherin - ed. Louis C. Fraina (1918).djvu/436

 army is not built up, plays a part in the calculations of both coalitions. The military party in each group would prefer an attack for the suppression of the Soviet government of Russia.

The Soviet government, although it had decided upon a waiting policy because it did not strive for a war of revenge, was, nevertheless, compelled, after the peace of Brest-Litovsk, to work for armed resistance and at the same time to reckon with those elements who were opposing the war parties. These elements are as yet weak and we are not able to strengthen them through our own military power. The ever-growing proletarian movement has not as yet come to a climax and therefore our report is a grave and serious one. A report about our retreat, about the great sacrifices which we make in order to give Russia an opportunity to get on her feet, to organize her forces and to wait for the moment when the proletariat of other countries will help us to bring the Socialist Revolution of November, 1917, to a successful conclusion.

The period following the signing of the Brest-Litovsk peace is characteristic because the German ofifensive was not marked on the whole Eastern Front by a distinct line. Finland and the Ukraine were free of Soviet troops, but the masses of these parts continued the struggle. The Entente Powers withdrew during this time their entire military support, at the same time remaining as ruler in places from which they should have withdrawn. As a momentary proof that the relations between Russia and the Central Powers were changed to ordinary peaceful relations, we must point to the arrival of Count von Mirbach [who was afterwards assassinated by Russian counter-revolutionists] in Moscow on April 23, 1918, and the arrival of our Russian Comrade, Joffe, in Berlin on April 20, 1918.

Concerning the former allies of Russia, we must look upon the landing of Japanese troops in Vladivostok on April 5, which landing was, nevertheless, accompanied by assurances from Japan's allies that this fact was not meant as an attempt to interfere m the internal affairs of Russia. In the meantime a great section of the English and French press was carrying on propaganda for the occupation of Russia under the slogan that such intervention was meant for the saving of Russia. But the governments of the Entente Powers adhered to a very careful policy regarding Russia, especially did the government of the United States States of America adopt a decidedly friendly attitude.

The time which now followed was indeed critical with regard to Germany. The German-Finnish and the German-Austrian armies after having occupied the whole of Finland and the Ukraine, invaded the territory of the Soviet government and came face to face with Soviet troops, so that there were continuous skirmishes along the whole line of demarkation and Petrograd was directly menaced. The White Guards (Finnish counter-revolutionists) led by Germans drove into Murman territory and Port Ino, the key to Petrograd, was in grave danger. At the same time the German army continued its march on the Ukraine front into the governments of Kursk and Woronesj, into the Donnetz basin and on the river Don. In the south the Germans occupied the Crimea and, continuing their march beyond the Don, attacked Batoisk (opposite Rostov on the Don valley, near Azof). Counter-revolutionary lands forced their way into the Don and Kuban districts (the western part of the north Caucasus) under the protection of the Germans.