Page:The Pacific Monthly vol. 14.djvu/128

 Nicholas.

Russia's ^^® position that Eussia takes on this peace matter is that of a bully

i ■ J who is licked and hates above all things to admit it. And like all

bullies, Eussia, even in defeat, takes on a patronizing air and stands on a false pride which is rapidly losing for that country what little sympathy the world accorded it in the "beginning. Ordinarily a completely defeated nation is at least sym- pathized with, but not Eussia. In its stupid way it broke its head on a fence, and then it stands and blinks at the fence. The world in general prefers a knave to a fool, and Eussia has posed in the light of the greatest fool nation in history, and nothing has testified to this so much as the bland way in which Eojestvensky sailed into a trap which he must have known would be set for him in the neighborhood of the Corean Straits.

• * *

Mots Once ^^^ news of Eussia 's complete defeat upon the sea became known

■vyf- throughout the empire, and the feeling against the government grew

^^^^ threateningly strong. The police instinctively felt this, and the first

faint sign of revolution called from them a brutal attack upon a peaceable gathering. On Sunday night, June 4, a crowd of 5,000 people gathered in the Pavlovsk Gardens, near the Czar's palace Tsarkoe-Selo, and began services for the dead sailors who were killed in the naval engagement. Twenty police entered and were evicted by the crowd. Shortly afterwards, however, several hundred police returned and, with drawn swords, drove the people into the streets and through lines of infantry with raised rifles. No demonstration followed this assault, but everywhere throughout the empire there has arisen an uneasy feeling which might readily be turned into revolt, and it would probably not take the form of a strike this time.

« » •

Social War "^^^ teamsters strike in Chicago, which has been growing stronger for

• /-"i • weeks in spite of all the efforts of power and money to import sufficient

in icago numbers of men to carry on the work, has developed into little less than

a social war. It is not a strike for more wages or shorter hours, nor even for recognition in the ordinary sensie of the word, but for control of the industrial situation. Chicago, being the home of the most advanced modern movements, has by this become the first city in which this inevitable conflict has arisen. With the unions lined up in firm array on one side and the employers on the other, and neither willing to give the other an inch of advantage, the struggle has worn on for weeks and no end has been sighted. Both sides have attempted to foment trouble among their opponents. President Shea of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters swore that Montgomery, Ward & Co., the firm against which the strike began, had attempted to bribe him to direct the boy- cott equally against a rival firm, Sears, Eoebuck & Co. Libel proceedings were started against Shea for this statement, and he was arrested, though released on $5,000 bonds. He claims the charge was trumped up with the purpose of creating trouble in the labor ranks.

The trouble arose of its own accord when the Building Trades withdrew their Sup- port from the strike, because the teamsters encroached upon their class of labor to some extent. However, the ranks of the unions have not been greatly broken, but neither have those of the employers. And at the present writing there is less likelihood of settle- ment of the difficulty than ever. The strikers would be more willing to come to terms, if they did not believe that the loss of this battle would mean continuous defeat. Previously they never had such strong employers' organizations to combat, and now they feel that they must win or lose forever. Meanwhile the employers continue im- porting teamsters, and the strikers still fight daily with the police, and war continues

openly.



PkilaJelpkia Public opinion won a victory in Philadelphia over boodlers by defeating f~r the attempt of the gas company to secure a franchise from the city

^^ over a period of seventy-five years for $25,000,000. The sum was con-

sidered so low and the price of gas stated in the franchise so high in the light of probable cheapening in the cost of production that the people would not submit to a hold-up at the hands of the city's council^ and by the aid of Mayor Weaver's veto balked the scheme. The United Gas Improvement Company had undoubtedly bought up a majority of the council and railroaded the ordinance through before an opportunity for an opposi- tion to develop was given. But immediately the fraud was m<ade known a popular demonstration took place, which took the form of an immense crowd gathering before the city hall and demanding that the action of the council be rescinded. The lead- ing newspapers took a position of active opposition to the franchise, and Mayor Weaver, willy-nilly, was obliged to follow the public demand. He gave his veto, but the gas company, backed by the Eepublican machine, boasted that it would pass the ordinance over the Mayor's veto, and had injunction proceedings started to prevent the new ap- pointees of the Mayor to the heads of the (le])artments of public works and public safety from occupying their offices. But here the Mayor's authority over tlie jiolice counted more than anything, and the leaders in the gas deal retired to Atlantic Ci