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up which more than compensates the ruling classes for the loss of ecclesiastic aid. The influence of the public press of England is something almost marvellous. And it is but just to admit that journalism there has fairly earned the triumphant place which it occupies. The first talent and the highest education of the country are engaged in the profession of writing for newspapers. And the result is fully adequate to the means employed. It has been said that articles are published every day in the English journals equal in merit to the letters of Junius. And this is certainly true—nay more, it is doubtful if in the eighteenth century above six writers appeared in all England capable of writing a Times leader, or an article worthy of being printed in the Saturday Review. Never in the history of the world has the literature of any country exercised such influence. Its power is felt throughout civilization. But if it were possible to measure intellect and

learning as corn or wine is measured, it would be found that nine-tenths of the literary ability engaged in English journalism are employed in supporting the

cause of aristocratic rule. And this with an earnestness that stops at nothing. For the march of democratic ideas has brought the world to such a pass that monarchy cannot be upheld in one quarter of the globe and revolution encouraged in another. The day has gone by when the same writer can safely give comfort to Greeks or Poles struggling for liberty or nationality, and deprecate the success of Irishmen or Hindoos battling for a kindred cause. The fight has reached such close quarters that the cause of monarchical institutions throughout the world must stand or fall together. False reasoning can no longer impose upon mankind. The logic of aristocracy must be as perfect as its projectiles. An illegitimate inference or a bad premise is as dangerous now as was a lost battle a hundred years ago.

The case of the Christians of Crete bears too many points of resemblance to the wants of the Christians of another island of the ocean, a trifle less remote, to permit them to be safely sympathized with. It is not quite clear that Garibaldi and Mazzini are much more patriotic than Mr. O'Brien or Mr. Burke, who were hanged for "treason felony," within a twelvemonth, or Mr. Emmet, who has been hanging more than a half a century. England forty years ago assisted Greece to do that which Ireland now claims the right to do. She has learned since that time to be consistent. She had learned the lesson before our war began. Russia has not quite learned it, but will soon be able to see that which all other monarchies have seen. This country may make the most of such sympathy as we have had of that power, for we shall have it no more. The autocrat of that land will not be long in learning that it is not safe to take the side of democracy, though it may appear to be in a remote quarter of the globe. Time will convince him, or his successors in power, that Maximilian and Mr. Jefferson Davis were alike fighting the battles of monarchy and of class rule, as well in America as in Europe, and all over the world. No noble lord of England failed for a moment to understand the issue, or will ever misunderstand it in the future, in whatever part of the world it may appear, or whatever form it may assume.

The Poles and the Eastern Christians, the followers of Garibaldi and Kossuth, the oppressed subjects of the Queen of Spain and the conquered tribes of Algeria, must alike be dealt with by those who hold them in subjection. But with the abolition of slavery in America ended the only distinction

between the North and the South, so far as European sympathy is concerned, for with slavery aristocracy in this country was finally destroyed, and any future civil war must be a struggle