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 strange processes, slavery is quite certain to get contracted in its dimensions at a pretty rapid rate within this national enclosure. It is estimated that not less than four hundred "servants" have been sold from the District—mostly, of course, from the cities of Washington undand [sic] Georgetown—the last season; say within eight or ten months. It is also supposed that half that number have fallen in love with the voluntary principle, and gone to the North in pursuit of labor and wages! Of course this double business will go on with more or less briskness till the slave fabric here melts away, and its place is supplied by the "industry of freedom." What an infamy upon the nation! How foul a reproach upon a people, themselves shielded by the panolpypanoply [sic] of free institutions! A sorrowful young man just came to me for assistance. A girl at the age of eighteen, of his acquaintance, and brought up a neighbor to him, and whom, I conjecture, he sincerely and ardently loves, has been sold, and is now in the pen. Her master disposed of her, because her brother, some weeks since, made his escape, and he did not know how contagious the love of liberty in the family might prove! The slave trader will take five hundred dollars for her, if her friends can make the purchase. Of strangers, he would demand considerably more than that sum!

My pen was stopped at the close of the last sentence for the recital of another tale, and to hear the claims of other victims urged. A man was yesterday told by a white brother in his church—the Methodist—that his family were sold—a wife and four children; and that if he could do it, he had better provide for their safety at once, before the trader could come for them! He has secreted them for the time. What shall be done next? He, himself, poor fellow, is the property of another person! How shall the rescue of that family from the hands of gamblers in human sinews, be effected? The whole North would lend boats, coaches or horses, but votes—the mightiest of all powers in this republic—they have not the honesty or the independence to lend or give! I shall have occasion to refer to these cases again, perhaps. It is now time to finish these paragraphs. For news, matters are rather dull just now. After the "holidays," we shall move faster, and I'll tell you "heaps" of gossip.



ROCHESTER, JANUARY 14, 1848.

JOHN C. CALHOUN.

bold senatorial defender of slavery, and faithful sentinel upon its bloody ramparts, ever vigilant, unwearied, and undeviating in his devotion to the American slave system, has recently betrayed his fears in the senate, as to the effect which the present false, foul, and infernal war, waged against Mexico, will have upon what he terms the "peculiar institutions" of our republican government. In the speech before us, and which may be found on the first page of out present number, he stoutly opposes the further prosecution of the war, with its present aims and designs; counsels the withdrawal of our army to a line which he does not designate; scouts the idea of taking inhabited and cultivated lands as indemnity from Mexico; explains the motives which led him to propose peace resolutions last winter; demonstrates the absurdity of that miserable pretence of "conquering a peace;" shows that the more victories gained the more difficulties we shall find in making peace; shows, also, that we have been defeated by our own success; argues the impossibility of a free government springing up under the care of a conquering nation; argues the inferiority of the Mexican people; deprecates with much apparent solemnity the extinction of the Mexican government; and thinks the incorporation of her people with those of the United States, would be a deathblow to our "free institutions."

In reading this speech, the question naturally arises, What has given this new and singular shape to his policy? What terrible signs in the firmament, moral and political, has this prophet of tyranny discovered? Why does he abandon, or seem to abandon his notions of extending slavery in Mexico? From whence come those gloomy apprehensions which he so eloquently sets forth in the Senate? Happily for us, we need not long remain in doubt. A little reflection supplies the required information. Mr. Calhoun is a slaveholder. Slaveholding has been for years the very sun of his political system. Not a measure has been proposed or adopted by byby [sic] him, but has been thoroughly examined in the red light of slavery. In this light he regards men as well as measures. It is his great test of character. Unite with him in this, and he will forget all other differences; differ from him in this, and he forgets and repudiates all other points of agreement. He regards Slavery as the very "corner-stone of our republican institutions,"—as the "most safe and stable basis of free institutions in the world;" and so far from being in any sense an evil, he considers it a positive good. He speaks as coolly about a man in fetters as he would of a horse in harness. The condition of the former is to his mind as proper as that of the latter. His iron heart is yet to throb the first time in pity for the heart-broken slave; and his lips have yet to confess the first sting of a guilty conscience.

What Mr. Calhoun has been, we may well presume he now is; and on the truth of this presumption will depend the correctness of the solution of his motives for opposing the war and abandoning his system of slavery propagandism. He either sees or apprehends danger to slavery, in the prosecution of the war, and the consequent blotting out of the Mexican republic. He begins to see, that to subjugate, and fasten slavery upon a people and territory already free, is a move altogether too bold, and one that must only react against his darling institution. For once, this brass-browed manstealer seems checked in his nefarious designs, by the well-expressed opinions of foreign nations. For once he makes a pause, to learn what the world think of his diabolical movements; and when he hears the adverse report, like the whiskered pirate who prowls along the African coast, when pursued, he counsels his infernal crew to "lay low"—abide their time. Such is Mr. Calhoun's policy. His boldest word is "defence," and his wisest counsel, "masterly inactivity." He does not abandon his prey, but his mode of catching it. He would still the roar of our cannon, which has opened the eye of nations upon as; he would lull them to deep with songs of peace, that he may do by stealth what seems too hazardous to be done openly. He combines in his composition the boldness of the lion and the cunning of the fox; and as he grows old, the latter quality predominates. The time was when he was boldest among the bold; when defying all opposition, he boldly marched unceremoniously to his object. But age has come upon him, teaching him that cunning must supply the place of strength. But we warn him and his companions in crime, that neither strength nor cunning will much longer avail them; their strength shall be broken, their cunning confounded, and their whip-scared victims released from their chain. God speed the day! 

THE LAND OF LIBERTY.

is the title of a very accurate picture of "our glorious country," by that distinguished artist, philosopher, and reformer, Punch. Of all the intelligent and distinguished persons whom we had the honor to meet is London, none seemed to possess more complete information respecting our "peculiar institutions," than this same Mr. Punch; and we may do him the justice to say, that few make better use of their knowledge than he. It is not now, however, our purpose to draw a picture of Mr. Punch, but to give our readers some idea of the picture he draws of the present aspect of our "glorious country."

As might be expected, the artist has bestowed the greatest amount of labor and skill on slavery, that most prominent feature of the American face, to which the people, old and young—priest and politician, bow with the utmost reverence and admiration. The slaveholder is drawn to the life. His person stretched out on two chairs, resting his right leg over the back of one, and his left on the head of a pro-traitportrait [sic] bust of Washington. Around his person is a belt of arms, containing a bowie knife and a seven-barrel revolving pistol. Under his arm is a knotted "cat-o'-nine tails." On the left of him is a chest, upon which are papers labelled, Texas—Oregon—Dollars. Behind, is a woman half naked, tied to a whipping-post. In front of him is a group of slaves and slave-drivers. Prominent in the group are two female slaves kneeling with their hands closely tied behind their backs. One driver is in the act of flogging a woman; another, with a look of Satanic indifference, is branding a kneeling woman on the back with a hot iron,—the smoke of her broiling flesh and blood rising from the wound. Off in the distance is a coffle of slaves driven by two while men, with long-lashed whips. They seem to have just landed from an American slave-ship. Above this scene is floating our star-spangled banner, raised upon a lofty staff, crowned with a capacious liberty cap. On the right of the flag is a representation of Lynch law—a mob in the act of hanging a negro. On the left is a picture of repudiation, illustrated by a well-drawn American in the act of stealing the handkerchief of an Englishman. Above this scene are two pictures representing our duelling practices. Still further on, we have the war with Mexico; stabbing, shooting, hanging, robbing churches,—bayonets, swords, guns, cannons, bombs,—all enveloped in fire and smoke. And above all this horrid confusion of blood and slaughter, is a terrific picture of Satan brooding over the whole scene with a grin of infernal satisfaction.

Now, what a picture is this to be looked upon abroad! and what American has the folly or audacity to deny its truthfulness! At the hazard of making many enemies, and losing some friends, we extend our heartfelt thanks to Punch for the picture, and beg him, in the name of three millions of our enslaved brethren, to continue to notice us, in his world-read journal. It is not impossible that we may wring from a sense of shame what we have been unable to gain from American sense of justice. 

COLORED NATIONAL PRESS.

have waited patiently for a full official report of the doings of the National Convention of colored people and their friends, held in Troy, New York, in the month of October, 1847. Why such a report has not reached us we cannot divine. We think, as a member of that convention, we were entitled to a copy of the report, and we would respectfully suggest to those into whose hands was committed the publication of those Minutes, that promptitude is essential to the confidence which is necessary to carrying forward a great cause like that in which we are engaged. We trust that no unworthy motive has withheld from us those proceedings; but would like to know the cause. Perhaps Mr. Garnet can explain.

In the absence of a full report we have copied from an imperfect copy of Minutes, furnished us by our friend, W. C. Nell, the report adopted with reference to establishing a National Press. Upon this report we wish now to say a few words.

It was our good or ill fortune to oppose the adoption of this report, in the Convention; and there, as in the imperfect minutes before us, our motives for opposing the report were indirectly set down to selfishness; and we doubt not, that such persons as are unable to appreciate manly independence, will set down what we are now about to say, to the same unworthy motive; but we shall speak our sentiments, nevertheless, conscious that in so doing we are discharging a duty solemnly imposed by the high responsibility of our position.

The report adopted by the Convention sets forth the desirableness of there being a printing press under the entire control of colored persons in this country. Here we agree with the report. To prove such necessity no argument need be urged. Our condition, as an oppressed and injured people, proclaims it; and it is with the view of securing needful press, that we oppose the doubtful scheme proposed in the report. We assert, and the press of this country has proclaimed the fact from one end of the land to the other, that such a press now exists; that, for the first time in the western continent, there is a press under the entire control and direction of colored persons. We have, indeed, had papers conducted by colored persons, but we believe that ours is the first printing establishment ever owned is this country by colored persons. We make no merit of this; for the credit belongs not to us, but to the generous friends in the old world, who, seeing our destitution and difficulties, kindly came to our assistance, and gave us the means of purchasing our establishment. Through them, the colored people of this country now have a printing press and a weekly periodical dedicated to their cause, and devoted to their interest.

Now, the question is, shall we faithfully use the one we have, or shall we neglect to use it, and go in search of another! Which of the two courses seems most in harmony with common sense? The report provdesprovides [sic] for a foreign agent to collect money, who shall have for his services thirty cents on every dollar which he may collect. By this we understand that as agent is about to be sent to England to solicit money for the establishment in question. But we respectfully ask the advocates of this measure, What answer their agent can make, when the question is asked him abroad, "What have you done with the press which we have already given you? Is it worn out in the service, or does it now exist? Is it supported, or has it been neglected and allowed to languish, for the want of the support and countenance of the very persons who are now engaged in soliciting another?" And may it not be very properly said to such agent,—"You may ask for another, with much greater probability of success, when you have shown a disposition to use the instrument already in your hands. But to all this it may be answered, We not only want a press, but a "National Press." And pray, what is the difference between a press and a national press? and why is the one to be preferred before the other? The report informs us, that we need such a press "to tell the world of our position in the path of human progress." And is it necessary that a press should be called "National," in order to tell the world of our position in the path of human progress? We think that that press, call it by what name you please,—Mystery, Ram'shorn, Northern Star, or North Star, best sustained, most ably conducted, and thoroughly devoted to the rights and liberties of our enslaved and oppressed fellow-countrymen, will be the colored national press of this country, in every essential sense of the word. And we therefore say to our brethren, Use and support the papers you already have; for it is not impossible, that by catching at the shadow you may lose the substance. You have several newspapers. They are all calling upon you loudly for support: help them, rather than seek for others. If they are not what they ought to be, your support may make them such. We therefore call upon the Smiths, the Crummells, the Reasons, the Zuilles,—Beamans, Garnetts, Topps, and Penningtons, and all others who wish well to our sacred cause, to unite in sustaining the colored periodicals already in existence. We are happy to know that the two gentlemen last named are already interested in sustaining the ; and we hope others will follow their noble example.

Come, brethren, let us one and all lay aside party differences and sectarian preferences, and rally around the that never sets, except to those who go to the slavery cursed regions of the south; and a glorious victory over cruelty and oppression will certainly crown our righteous endeavors. 

☞ On the outside of this week's paper will be found of the American Colonization Society. The document shows the determination of the colonists to occupy a highly commendable position among the nations of the earth. We have no sympathy with the motives which induced the purchase of the colony; and we have little with the despondency that drove our brethren from our shores. The bitter fruits of their yielding to the infernal spirit of expatriation in the first place is now in full bloom with us. Fifty thousand of our fellow courtrymencountrymen [sic], now nominally free, in the State of Virginia, are on the point of being driven from their hearths and homes before the bayonets of these same American Christians; which, had we resisted in the first instance, might have forever prevented anything like this last effort to colonize us.

We must feel this land to be our home, and make our white fellow countrymen feel the same. If we fail in this, our case is hopeless; but in this we cannot fail. 

COMMUNICATIONS.

For the North Star.

LECTURING AGENTS.

toils and trials of those who go forth through the length and breadth of this misnamed land of freedom to do strong battle with the foul fiend, slavery, that, like the sorcerers of olden time, has thrown a spell over the people, are, I fear, known and duly appreciated by but few. It is no slight thing to lay aside the many pleasures of home, and assume a life almost like that of the nomadic Tartar; become a constant traveler from place to place, and face, by day and by night, the fierce blasts of the wintry tempests, or toil on, beneath the burning sun of mid-summer, toward some distant point, that must be reached by a fixed time. These are, however, only physical trials: a strong frame and a stout heart will bid them defiance, although they will, in time, do their work, even on the man of iron constitution.

But, do ever abolitionists think of the life of constant warfare which the anti-slavery lecturer leads? He must be armed, not with the cumbrous and glittering panolpypanoply [sic] of the soldier in carnal warfare, but with weapons which it wearies the stoutest champion always to bear. The sword of truth must be ever ready, and, like the knight of old, when entering a conflict from which there could be no retreat, and in which powerful foes were long to be struggled with, its scabbard may well be thrown aside as useless. The shield of faith must he carried; the breast-plate of righteousness must be buckled on; and, though he may be shod, like an olden apostle, with the preparation of the gospel of peace, it is not until the foe has been smitten to the very heart, and lies prostrate at his feet, that he can dearly discern, in the glittering sandals, emblems of the fact, that sin must be vanquished ere true peace can be gained.

Perplexities and discouragements are on every side: the craft of the priest; the wiles of the politician; and the sophistry and art of the pretended patriot, must be met and refuted. And last, though not least, the coldness and sullen, or active opposition which often drives him, after a long and wearisome effort, from the closed doors of the church, or the impassable portals of the popular hall, to some inconvenient and unfrequented corner, in which to plead the gospel of freedom to a few who may be led, from idle curiosity, or love to the cause, to come together. Not that such a life has no compensation; for, if such were my purpose, I might tell of the communings with the noble ones of earth; the blessings of the poor and needy; and the strong faith that God and right must triumph. But the great object of writing these few words is, to call to the mind of every anti-slavery man and woman, in city, town, or country, the fact, that when the lecturer crosses their path, or comes beneath their roof, they can do much, very much, to make his way easy, and inspire him with cheerful courage, by giving him a cordial welcome, expressing their earnest and warm sympathy, and especially by showing their faith by works, and making every effort to open the doors of the most frequented public places, and extending notice which will insure a good audience. I write not thus because I deem abolitionists deficient in warmth or hospitality: far from it; for my own heart has often been cheered by the homelike welcome and active aid of lovers of out great cause; but simply to stir up "the pure mind by way of remembrance," so that they may do all in their power to strengthen the hearts of those whose place is ever in the front of battle.



For the North Star.

DENUNCIATION.

an Abolitionist, in the strictest sense of the word, yet, I do not believe in, nor recognize, "wholesale denunciation," as calculated to advance the righteous cause or ameliorate the wretched condition of suffering and oppressed humanity.

It seems too much akin to the fierce, north wind of icy winter, congealing with its chilling breath, the exhausted sympathies of earth's vexed and wearied traveler; forcing him, in his extremity, to wrap his fur-embossed habiliments more closely about him, and rush on with a reckless determination to stem the fitful winds and currents that oppose his onward, and, to him, justifiable course. Too well does it compare with the destructive winds that sweep o'er Sahara's arid bosom, rearing its sand-clouds of indignation, and burying in its direful course every oasis of sympathy in the breast of humanity.

But forbearance sometimes, it is said, ceases to be a virtue; yet a resort to denunciation, which is but the pretext for a resort to force in very many instances, is a greater evil. Ofttimes, as the tale of wrong and outrage committed against helpless innocence is iterated in my hearing, a spirit of indignation, ere I am aware, arises, and I am led to exclaim:

But this, I am reminded, is but "casting out Satan by the prince of devils;" and the rising whirlwind of indignation, which the fostering of such a spirit conjures up in the mind, is checked and subdued by the words of Him, whose melting accents fell upon the ear of man as dews

and who only resorted to denunciation when the destiny of Jerusalem and her children was irrevocably sealed, and their destruction inevitable.

How much more effectual and how omnipotent is truth clad in its swasive attire, let Luther, Melancthon and others—Wesley and coadjutors—Wilberforce, Hawkins and associates, attest. It is to the stolid minds of men what the south wind and "the sun from Capricorn to Cancer wheeling back" is to the thick-ribbed, icy mountains of the polar regions. It subdues and brings to its supernal influence implicit subjection; warns man of his weakness and insufficiency; begets the most kindly feeling, even towards enemies, and counsels to dependence on the arm that moves the universe, and, instead of denunciation, when there is a prospect of reform, it prompts, the humble petition:



For the North Star.

"THE BURNED SHIP."

above is the title of a thrilling and affecting story which I read some months since in the Saturday Courier, said to be founded on fact, the substance of which is as follows:

The captain of an American vessel engaged in the cotton trade, hearing of the sudden advance in the price of that article in Great Britain, immediately purchased an extensive cargo, and set sail. Having long and ardently cherished the idea of one day becoming "rich," and knowing that in view of the extrusive rise of cotton, if he could but reach that port before others, his golden dreams of wealth would he realized, he resolved that nothing should turn him from his purpose, and all his thoughts were now bent on the accomplishment of this one object.

The third or fourth night they had been out at sea, a great light was descried at a distance, which soon proved to be a ship on fire. A little nearer approach gave him and his crew a more distinct view of the appalling sight, and brought them within hearing of the cries and shrieks at terror, and the roar of the signal guns from the burning vessel, which lay somewhat off the direction they were pursuing. They soon discerned that the fire had made great inroads on the ship, and beheld the passengers and crew standing on the forward deck, the flames at times almost curling round them. As soon as they discovered the approaching vessel, they all simultaneously held up their hands and gave one long and thrilling shout of joy, which rung out on the night winds and along the billows of the deep. They were about to be rescued!—those fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers and lovers—from a doom so unspeakably terrible; and thoughts of home and friends in distant lands, from whom, a moment before, they expected to be torn forever, now filled their hearts, as they stood, embracing each other, nearly frantic with joy! During this time there was a struggle going on in the mind of the cotton trading captain. The "lust for gold" haunted him. He seemed influenced by a spirit of infatuation. In that dreadful emergency he hesitated. The delay of a few hours, or moments, might be sufficiently long for other vessels to pass, and then his fortune was lost. What should he do? A moment more, and the love of gold triumphed; and he ordered his crew, who were as hardened as he, to pass onward. Those on the burning ship, not dreaming that he was going to pass, and leave them thus to perish, stood gazing impressed with the thought that the vessel was only "rounding to," until it had passed some distance beyond them; and still they could not believe it, though doubt and uncertainty, and dismal foreboding now began to agitate their hearts, as they gazed yearningly on the receding vessel; and, at length, when the terrible reality forced itself upon their minds, such a wail of agony and despair as went up from those poor beings, no mortal ear ever before heard. It seemed to pierce the very heavens, and rung on the ear of the unnatural and icy-hearted captain with a terrific power. Their joy was turned to agony; their hope to despair. "The flames rolled on;" the wild winds howled; and old ocean's "bounding billows and foamy surges" beat around the burning ship, no more, nor less, unpitying than the human monster who refused, for the sake of gold, to reach forth his hand to save. And he passed on,—reached the port in due time—and realized a vast fortune. He returned to this country, and lived in splendor and affluence: but that dread shriek ever haunted him. Amidst all his wealth, he was wretched, which was remarked by his friends to whom, after many years, he revealed the awful circumstance.

So dark and terrible a picture of the human character seems unnatural and incredible. We can scarcely believe that any human being could have the inhumanity and heartlessness to do so base, cruel and hard-hearted a deed—so revolting and shocking to all our better feelings—a deed which seems to stand without a parallel in the annals of infamy and crime! But is it so? Is it more inhuman to be a passive agent in the destruction of our fellow beings, than an active one? Is it worse to suffer them to perish, where we could save them, than to go forth with sword in hand and slaughter them? Is not this nation engaged in a work little less inhuman and dreadful? Does it hot stand passively and indifferently by on the one hand, while thousands are perishing by its "peculiar institutions?" and is it not actively engaged, on the other hand, in the destruction of fellow beings by slavery, and by a war which riots in the slaughter of Mexican fathers and mothers, and their beautiful daughters? and under pretexts and excuses more paltry and unreasonable, if possible? And yet, agonizing as is the thought, these rapacious and horrible doings receive the sanction and support of those who set themselves up as the religious instructors and teachers of mankind—Reverend Clergymen and Doctors of Divinity. This awful deed, when done under circumstances a little different—when "legalized am sanctified,"—becomes popular and praiseworthy; winning for the actor the title of hero and patriot. Do not such men more nearly resemble, or partake of the nature of wild beasts, or blood-snuffing vultures? And viewed in the light of a better philosophy and a purer Christianity—when mind shall have expanded and developed, will they not be so regarded? Then a truer appreciation of things as they really are, will be had, and the glaring and fatal inconsistencies and incongruities which now prevail, will be seen and acknowledged, and practical works, full of blessedness, and wisdom and peace, will follow.

MILO A. TOWNSEND.

, Pa., Dec. 26, 1847. <section end="The Burned Ship" />

<section begin="Religious Equality" />For the North Star.

RELIGIOUS EQUALITY.

is no equality like that of religion. Not that of laws, the most clear and inviolable; for human nature is fallible, and the most conscientious judge may, through ignorance, pass an unrighteous sentence. Not that of birth; for while some are supplied with all that is conducive to the growth and development both of body and mind, others are left to grow up like the neglected weed, without culture, and with scanty nourishment, subject to every privation and every hardship. Not that of life; for while some possess every means of a pleasurable bodily and mental existence—free in thought, free in action—others are the victims of a detestable, heaven-insulting system of slavery, which debases the soul, destroys the intellect, unmans and deteriorates the whole being. Not that of death; for while to some the coming of the last enemy is delayed by the skill of the physician and the healing virtues of medicine, others fall his early prey by the effects of protracted toil and accumulated suffering. But religion is liable to no such partialities. The wonders of creation are above, beneath, and around us. If we look up into the firmament, we behold it peopled with a thousand worlds, which forever proclaim the wisdom and majesty of their Creator. If we look around, we see beneficence everywhere displayed in the beauties of the primrose, the carnation, and the dahlia, which delight the eye, and perfume the air with their fragrance; and the notes of nature's warblers pour upon the ear their sweet songs of happiness, thrilling in each bosom like a delightful dream of paradise. And the beautifully diversified landscape—the waving trees, the green fields, and the winding stream—the rain and the morning dew, the ice and the snow—are all produced by the same uncontrolled, free, omnipresent goodness. After surveying even for a moment, these works of his Creator, what soul of man is there that does not expand in gratitude and praise, and is ready to burst forth, with the Hebrew poet, into one of those most beautiful songs, which are at the same time the very soul of poetry and the essence of adoration: "O ye frost and snow, bless ye the Lord; praise ye his name forever and ever! O ye ice and cold, bless ye the Lord, praise ye his name forever and ever! Praise ye him, all his angels; praise ye him, all hosts; mountains and all hills, fruitful trees and all cedars; kings of the earth, and all people, princes and all judges of the earth. Let them praise the name of the Lord, for his name alone is excellent; his glory is above the earth and heaven."

Such is the equality of religion. It is not restricted to particular creeds, nor is it the peculiar privilege of any denomination. It is free as the air we breathe; it is extended as the universe. It is the charter of our nature, and forms a part of our very existence. It is alike the privilege of the king and the beggar—the prince and the peasant—the learned and the ignorant. It is the inheritance of all God's children—the inalienable birthright of all his intelligent creatures.—J .D. <section end="Religious Equality" />

<section begin="Gloomy Theologians" />For the North Star.

GLOOMY THEOLOGIANS.

is a class of persons with whom I have no sympathy; as they seem to have none with the world around them. They can see no beauty in this world of ours,—no harmony in the works of nature,—nothing praiseworthy in the works of art; and, apparently afraid that Job's remark, "Man is born to trouble as the sparks fly upward," should occasionally prove untrue, seem desirous of increasing the curse of sin, by removing every rational means of enjoyment; and of augmenting man's causes of sorrow, till not a smile enlightens the countenance, nor a feeling of pleasure gladdens the heart. May we not ask such persons, whether they are acting a benevolent part, in transforming this world into a desert, barren and desolate, which the sooner we have traversed the better? Is it true that we should not love and admire those things that are excellent and beautiful? Why, then, did our Creator form us as we are? Why did he give us minds capable of enjoyment? Why does not every sound of music grate upon the ear, instead of being pleasant and harmonious? And why, was the world made a scene of such beauty, grandeur, and sublimity? Above us, in the starry firmament, the discoveries of science show, in all their inexpressible harmony, innumerable suns and systems like our own, ever rolling on in their undeviating course, displaying the wisdom and power of their Creator. Is there no pleasure to be derived from the contemplation of these? We think of the inhabitants with which these worlds are peopled. Are they happier than we, or are they, like us, perplexed with cares and disappointments? Have they their Alexanders, their Cæsars, and their Bonapartes? Can they boast of a Plato or a Newton? and can they, as we, unroll a long catalogue of poets, patriots, and philosophers? Or are they not the abodes of the ever-blessed,—the spotless mansions of unfallen happiness? How unenviable are the feelings of the few who can find no pleasure in such contemplations! Around, are spread out on every hand the wonders of creation. The air, the earth, the sea, and the sky, are all teeming with beauty and adorned with loveliness. The setting sun sheds on the one horizon its stream of glowing light, and the pale moon appears in silvery brightness on the other. The rain falls from heaven, watering the earth, and the dew distils its vivifying influences. The hill and dale, the trees and the fields, the streams, the lakes, and the mighty ocean, all spread out before us their unnumbered beauties. He must be more than man who can fully appreciate all their loveliness, and less than man who can find no pleasure in surveying them.

Away, then, with the rigid orthodoxy that would rob this world of all that there is in it worth living for! Away with the theology that inculcates such doctrines! But let the true soul of man, in harmony with God and nature, continue still to find

<section end="Gloomy Theologians" />

<section begin="The Meeting on Main Street" />THE MEETING ON MAIN STREET.

In the meeting house of the Wesleyan Methodists, on Main street, where amid the many popular and large pro-slavery congregations of this city, a small band of men and women meet to hear the Gospel of Freedom and Love for all, an Anti-Slavery lecture was given by Frederick Douglass, last Sunday afternoon. After prayer by Mr. Benson, the clergyman of the society, and the singing of an anti-slavery hymn (which by the way are rarely to be found in hymn books used in public worship,) Mr. Douglass spoke for an hour or more to a respectable audience who had come together notwithstanding the severity of the storm.—He dwelt for some time on the nature of real Christianity, showing to be a world-wide faith-recognising all as brethren, raising up the degraded, freeing the slave, and strengthening the weak. Toward the conlusionconclusion [sic] of his remarks, he spoke in a feeling manner, which drew tears from many eyes, of the cruel prejudice against his race, and gave a simple narrative of some of his own experience of good and ill treatment as a colored man. The ad,dressaddress [sic] was given in a familiar manner; the speaker saying that he felt more like talking with those present, than making a speech to them, and apparently produced a happy effect on the listeners. His sentiments were warmly responded to by the minister and a number of the members of the society; and it was cheering to see and feel that amid the prejudice which drives the colored man to the negro pew in so many churches in this city, and the stern bigotry which cries "Infidel" against those who ask that God's truth shall free the black man as well as the white man, and make all brethren, here was a different spirit—on oasis in the desert.

<section end="The Meeting on Main Street" />

<section begin="Rochester Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society" />ROCHESTER LADIES' ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.

The committee of the Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society, gratefully acknowledge the receipt of valuable and saleable articles from friends in the country for the recent fair. A contribution from the anti-slavery women of Ledyard, helped to make the tables in the hail attractive; from Walworth and Farmington, came the friends with cheerful greetings, bringing the result of the effort of their sewing circle, in rich, tasteful articles, and giving their efficient aid at the tables: from Waterloo, came as a token of remembrance, a donation of books, perfumery, &c.,;; [sic] a contribution from Williamson, the result of the labors of little company of workers in our good cause, was forwarded with an excuse for personal non attendance, owing to the fatal illness of one of their number, whose decease in the flower of her days, will be lamented by all. A friend in Mt. Morris sent her individual contribution, which went to aid the display on the article tables; and another from Bath, brought acceptable aid, both by donation of goods and personal presence. During the fair, a box of useful and fancy goods came from Port Byron, though not too late to be sold, and thus give valuable help to the cause; an offering from a friend in Wisconsin was indeed acceptable, enhanced by the distance now separating us from one who formerly was a co-laborer hero at home.

Most thankfully were all these articles received; and in behalf of more than a million of our sisters, crushed, abused and bleeding under the lash, the earnest hope is expressed that the same zeal which urged the women in the places spoken of, to come together in the sewing circle, and thus send help so much needed, may in the future bring forth fruit yet more abundantly, and that the women of every neighborhood in Western New York, may "go and do likewise."

In behalf of the committee,

<section end="Rochester Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society" />

<section begin="Western New York Anti-Slavery Society" />.—The Executive Committee are requested to meet at the house of Isaac Post, 36, Sophia Street, Rochester, on Tuesday evening, January 18th, at 7 o'clock. A full attendance is specially important.

Per order,

<section end="Western New York Anti-Slavery Society" />

<section begin="Franklin's Birth-Day" />FRANKLIN'S BIRTH-DAY.

of Rochester will commemorate the one hundred and forty-second anniversary of the birth-day of, on Monday evening, the 17th inst. They respectfully tender an invitation to their fellow craftsmen in the surrounding towns to unite with them on the occasion; also, to the retired printers of the city. The celebration will be held at the Irving House, kept by Col. T. W., a veteran printer.

Our friends in the country, who intend to favor us with their company, will please notify the Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements of the fact, on or by Friday next.

JAMES VICK, ., Ch'n <section end="Franklin's Birth-Day" />

<section begin="To Correspondents" />TO CORRESPONDENTS.

H. C., Poplar Ridge, New York. We hope to give our readers some extracts from his encouraging letter.

J. H., Clyde. His views may be perfectly correct, but they are regarded as more theological than is suited to the columns of the North Star.

L. G. B., Indianapolis. We forwarded copies, but must say to him, as we do to all who would obtain subscribers, that subscriptions must be prepaid.

A. S. Sullivan, Ohio. We are glad to acknowledge his communication and cash enclosed. The parcel will be forwarded to his address; and we hope many other such agencies may be established.

J. C. H., Brooklyn, New York. Thanks for his letter of 4th inst., and exertions for the Star.

J. C., Wellsville, Ohio. List received and whole number mailed.

S. B., Salem, Ohio. Letters of Jan. 7th received, and names credited. He may expect a letter.

S. S. B., Greenhill, Ohio. We gratefully acknowledge the subscribers and friendly communication. Such agencies are to our liking, as we believe them profitable to all parties.

W. H. T., Albany. The views of our friend are in harmony with many others on the subject of our letter to Mr. Clay; but neither the loss of subscribers nor the displeasure of the community shall deter us from a faithful exposure of slaveholders in high or low places; and we are assured of your support in an uncompromising course. <section end="To Correspondents" />

<section begin="Correspondence" />CORRESPONDENCE.

following is extracted from a letter from an English friend:

Hail to thee, bright and beautiful ! Over the wide ocean wave we trace thy first, faint beams; and our hearts beat high with hope and joy. Mayest thou shine, like a gem of purest water, upon the darkened skies of that land from whose hills and fields of virgin greenness the mists of slavery have so long arisen; hanging, like a blank and lowering cloud, where else the light of freedom, intellect and religion would have shone with transcendent lustre. Often may the menacing clouds of calumny and hatred threaten to obscure thy beams and dim thy radiance; but shine thou on, unchangingly, in the pure heavens of truth and love. Receive thy light alone from the Eternal Fountain: then will the thousands who have rejoiced in thee, look calmly on the threatening cloud, and await its vanishing, in the firm faith that they shall again behold thee, in renewed beauty and unsullied brightness. So shalt thou be to the mental eye of oppressed millions that which thine antetype in the blue heavens above hath been so long to his outward gaze. Point thou, ever and unchangeably, to a land of freedom, that thus thy gentle beam may keep alive in his soul one spark of that manhood which the floods of oppression and the waves of tyranny have so long striven to quench.

And not to the slave alone shall thy beams glance hope and confidence; to the warm and faithful hearts that beat so ardently for his well being; to the true champions of freedom who fight her bloodless battles with the sacred weapons of truth and justice—be thou, as the conflict deepens, a cheering, guiding Star. May it be theirs to rejoice in thy beams so long as the warfare rages; and to hail, at length, the dawn of the long anticipated morning, when the rising sun of freedom shall light the horizon of the enfranchised slave, and he shall tread, erect in his long-wtthheldwithheld [sic] manhood, the shores of his nativity, and walk through the length and breadth of a land of liberty, "rejoicing is the joy" of the present, and with a heart filled with adoring gratitude in the memory of these by-gone times, when darkness was around him like a funeral pall, and his trembling and timid glance was alone chested by the constant beams of the distant North Star! <section end="Correspondence" />