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ROCHESTER, JANUARY 8, 1847.

THE NATIONAL BAZAAR.

was our happiness last week to attend this splendid exhibition of anti-slavery industry, taste, skill, elegance, and beauty, held in Faneuil Hall, Boston. From representations which we had heard, and descriptions which we had read, our expectations were very high; but high as they were, they were more than gratified. On entering the vast and venerable hall, the manner and grandeur of its decoration reminded us strongly of some old, but beautiful Gothic cathedrals through which we have had the pleasure to pass. For the special decoration of the hall it would seem that almost a young forest of evergreens had been stripped of its foliage. Bowers, arches, wreathes, and beautiful chains of it, were displayed in all directions; the long range of pillars supporting the capacious galleries on either side, and the upper range around the gallery, reaching the ceiling, were all elegantly trimmed with evergreen; and between the pillars in the gallery, rising from the breastwork around it, were finely modelled forms of arches and windows of the old Gothic order, all of which were beautifully dressed in living green. Across the hall, in various directions from side to side, were chains of evergreen, meeting and crossing immediately under a large and luminous gas light chandelier, which, when lighted, grandly reflected the charm which nature always lends to works of art. In the centre of the hall was a large table forming a circle, piled with rich and beautiful articles, too numerous to mention. This, too, was all surrounded and decorated with evergreen, in every graceful shape and form which genius, skill, and fancy, could invent. On either side, and all around this table, were tables connected from one end of the hall to the other, and only divided from each other by multitudinous forms of living green rising between them. Some of the more youthful of the ladies wore wreathes of evergreen about their heads, as if determined to be in unity with the natural and artificial beauty surrounding them.

It would be pleasant to be in such a place at any time, but to be there in the glorious cause of righteous liberty, surrounded by the old and tried friends of the cause; meeting and conversing with many of them for the first time since our return from England; witnessing the ardor of their zeal, and gathering light and life from their lofty communications, made it a delightful occasion to us, and one which we could wish every friend of the slave could share. England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, were all represented. The various useful, rich, elegant and beautiful works from those countries deepened, in our mind, the earnest sincerity and devotion to our cause, which often filled our heart with grateful admiration during our sojourn in those lands. Noble was the devotion and great the industry that sent those beautiful works to our shores, and laid them on the pure altar of Christian Philanthropy. Every article was a silent but powerful pleader in behalf of the American slave, and a telling rebuke of the guilty slavelholder of the South, and his much more guilty allies of the North. The women of monarchical England pleading with their sisters in republican America, to quit the infernal practice of trading in the bodies and souls of men, and making merchandize of the bodies of their sable sisters; and this, too, in old Faneuil Hall, the "Cradle of Liberty," the birth-place of American independence—where was nursed the young spirit of the revolution, and where now hang the pictures of Washington, Adams, Hancock, Warren, and others, who seventy years ago fought a British king in defence of American liberty! Scotland, too, joins the appeal with the names of her forty thousand daughters. What a rebuke is here!

In looking upon the labors of the dear friends at home as well as abroad, we felt abashed by their superior devotion. We never feel more ashamed of our humble efforts in the cause of emancipation, than when we contrast them with the silent, unobserved, and unapplauded efforts of those through whose constant and persevering endeavors this annual exhibition is given to the American public. Anti-slavery authors and orators may be said to receive compensation for what they do, in the applause which must, sooner or later redound to them; but not so with the thousands whose works of use and beauty adorn this fair. It is for them to work, unnoticed and unknown, and sometimes unenquired for; and many of them unable to see the good that results from their efforts. Evidently no sinister native can enter into such action; and yet—noble souls they!—they have a great and glorious reward. The consciousness of having done something toward releasing from cruel bondage, even one sister, and the gratitude of that sister going up in glory to God for deliverance from thraldom, is a happiness to the pure mind, which as far transcends that derived from the praise of men, as heaven transcends earth, and eternity, time. Let proud pro-slavery congregations get up fairs to build and beautity their churches; let them labor to cushion their pews, carpet their floors, and ornament their pulpits; they may indeed reap the reward that results from the exercise of skill and industry, but the thought must come, after all,. [sic] We have worshipped ourselves, rather than God; we have been looking to our own ease and comfort, rather than relieving those who are unable to help themselves. Such persons know nothing of the holy satisfaction consequent upon unselfish labor and effort in behalf of the hated and enslaved of our land. This is emphatically the great religious movement or the day—one in which the laborer is taught to look only to the source of all good for reward. The history of the Boston Fair is interesting, instructive and encouraging. It shows what may be accomplished by unwavering fidelity, unfaltering industry, and patient devotion to a good cause, The first of which (this is the fourteenth fair,) was held, we believe, in a small room, No. 46, Washington street. At that time few ventured to attend it, and fewer to assist it. A few ladies only were found willing to encounter the odium of attending such a place. Fourteen years have passed away, and our fair, after working its way through the lower rooms of Marlborough Chapel, and the more commodious Amory Hall, finds place in the "old cradle of liberty," and large as is the cradle, this fourteen year's growth is becoming too large for it. The fact is, our fair becoming one of the most popular and genteel exhibitions of the year. We are glad of its prosperity, not because we love popularity, but because of the change in public opinion which it indicates. We know that imputations have been cast upon those who act most prominently in conducting this fair. It is said they seek popularity, and play into the hands of the Beacon street aristocracy. The insinuation is base. Where has aristocracy, cotton-ocracy or slave-ocracy received more faithful rebukes within the last few weeks than in the Liberator of Boston?

What amount of money was realised by the fair, we do not know: probably not so much this year as last. Our money, like our country's honor, is being squandered on our hired assassins in Mexico, and the one is becoming about as scarce as the other. The scarcity of money will account for a decrease (if there be any) of the proceeds of the fair this year. But, be the sum little or much, it is in good hands, and will be faithfully appropriated to the dissemination of light on the subject of slavery; and we are sure it will do much toward disposing the public mind favorably to the cause.

The Bazaar itself was a sort of anti-slavery meeting. Several evenings were devoted to addresses from well known anti-slavery speakers, all of whom were listened to with surprising attention, considering the many attractions in other directions. It was our lot to make the last anti-slavery speech in FanueilFaneuil [sic] Hall on the last night of the old year. 

COLORED NEWSPAPERS.

They are sometimes objected to, on the ground that they serve to keep up an odious and wicked distinction between white and colored persons, and are a barrier to that very equality which we are wont to advocate. We have, sometimes, heard persons regret the very mention of color, on this account, and to counsel its abandonment. We confess to no such feelings; we are in no wise sensitive on this point. Facts are facts; white is not black, and black is not white. There is neither good sense, nor common honesty, in trying to forget this distinction. So far from the truth is the notion that colored newspapers are serving to keep up that cruel distinction, the want of them is the main cause of its continuance. The distinction which degrades us, is not that which exists between a white and a black. They are equal men: the one is white, and the other is black; but both are men, and equal men. The white man is only superior to the black man, when he outstrips him in the race of improvement; and the black man is only inferior, when he proves himself incapable of doing just what is done by his white brother. In order to remove this odious distinction, we must do just what white men do. It must be no longer white lawyer, and black woodsawyer,—white editor, and black street cleaner: it must be no longer white, intelligent, and black, ignorant; but we must take our stand side by side with our white fellow countrymen, in all the trades, arts, profession and callings of the day.

It is one of the most cheering signs of the times, that colored persons are becoming farmers, mechanics, lecturers, doctors, lawyers, merchants, teachers, professors and editors. The more we have of them, the better; and the sooner will the distinction of which we complain be removed. Man's greatness consists in his ability to do, and the proper application of his powers to things needful to be done, and not in the color of his skin. 

OUR MOVEMENTS.

Since the appearance of the first number of the, we have been actively engaged in addressing public meetings in various towns in this and the State of Massachusetts, and doing our best to extend the subscription list of our paper. On the 4th December, in company with our friend and  we held a meeting in Mendon; the weather was cold and otherwise inclement, and our meeting was held in the school house.—Friends meeting house having been closed against us on the ground that our views differed from theirs. We asked one of them if he thought the Methodists acted generously and honorably in sometimes opening their doors and allowing ministers of the society of Friends free access to their pulpits to set forth their views! He was slow to answer, clearly seeing the dilemma into which it would place those who had been instrumental in closing the doors against us. We held two meetings the next day in the same place; C. L. Remond and M. R. Delany both spoke, and with excellent effect. We have also held meetings in LeRoy, Darien, Pine Hill and Rochester, and have spoken at Boston, Lynn and Marblehead, Massachusetts.

Our friend and co-laborer, M. R., is now on a visit to his family in Pittsburgh, Pa., and will probably remain absent from Rochester during the present winter, as he intends to travel and hold meetings in Cincinnati, and many towns in the State of Ohio before his return. We hope to be able, to keep our readers constantly advised of his persevering efforts. 

☞ The "Homestead Journal" published at Salem, Ohio, devotes more than a column to a notice of the, and handies us roughly and as carelessly as he would do an unsound potato; toward us his eye is evil, and his whole body is full of darkness; however sacred in his eyes may be the land, he shows himself thoroughly divested of any high regard for man. For any man to talk about white slavery in this country in connection with black slavery, is to use words deceitfully. We shall try to examine the land reform movement, and shall venture to speak on that subject as well as others, as soon as our opinion shall have reached an intelligent maturity. 

☞ .—We make no apology for occupying our entire outside with this speech. To have omitted to print it would have been a wrong to the noble heart that conceived, and the eloquent lips that gave it utterance, as well as the great cause it is so well calculated to subserve. We rejoice with the three millions in bonds, that the "bow" of our eloquent friend yet abides in strength; and that, with the speech before us, he has sent another arrow into the monster, Slavery, which must do much toward shortening his existence. 

☞ We intend publishing hereafter, a weekly Price Current. 

THE ANTI-SLAVERY BAZAAR AT MINERVA HALL.

the "white mantle" with which dame nature greeted the anti-slavery women of Western New York on the morning of the l7th ult., they were at their post in Minerva Hall, ready and willing to aid, by their every effort, the cause of bleeding humanity.

Too much credit cannot be awarded to this noble band of women, who have, during the past months, been engaged "in and out of season," plying the needle and taxing their ingenuity in fabricating saleable articles for the Fair. Their nimble foot have perambulated the highways and by-ways of our good city, in quest of contributions of money and commodities, as the convenience or benevolence of friends could bestow. In some cases their hearts have been made glad by a generous response, (smallest favors being gratefully received,) and in others, alas! cold looks, unyielding purse strings, and repelling voice and actions, have chilled, but, thank God, could not dishearten them; for, with that perseverance so characteristic of woman when engaged on a mission of love, one defeat only served to inspire them with courage for fresh victories.

The distinguished American historian, Bancroft, at a Pilgrim celebration on Plymouth Rock, in a most eloquent tribute, eulogized the women passengers in the May Flower, and though he would not disparage the "courage of Standish, the wisdom of Carver, the enduring prudence of Bradford, yet the highest meed of glory belonged to woman, who, in addition to these noble traits of character, displayed a nobler heroism, and achieved a higher triumph, in conquering, not man only, but winter and the wilderness." So, too, with the anti-slavery women of the present day. Their efforts and sacrifices are far from being appreciated as their merits deserve.

The men have their share of labor and toil, and most willingly do they dedicate themselves to the work; yet the cause does not owe to a single influence more than to the self-denying, self devoted exertions of woman.

This is, indeed, an appropriate sphere for woman; for their sisters at the South are the greatest sufferers by the infernal system of slavery. The very fact that they arc under the absolute control of licentious and profligate owners, furnishes a key by when to unlock those recesses of darkness and vice, to which the Spanish inquisition bore no parallel.

Then let woman be free to carry forward the great work of regenerating public sentiment, by her sewing circles and fairs,—her presence, influence and voice at meetings. Impose upon her no restrictions—clip not the wings of her lofty aspirations for liberty. But let her do for her country and the world what seemeth to her good, and the thanks of millions will yet be to all a reward for well doing.

When the Pretender, Charles Stuart, was flying from his pursuers in the wilds of Scotland, his firmest friends and most devoted adherents were women. To their care and hazardous exertion he often owed his life. The American slave now claims the sympathy of American women. Why should not the anti-slavery women of this republic stand side by side with the daughters of Scottish nobles?

The last day and evening, the 18th, was an auspicious one. The spacious hall was well filled—the ladies all vieing with each other in "ways and means" to induce visitors to "come, buy—come, buy." Two bands, at intervals, discoursed "Liberty Notes." , Esq., and occupied the rostrum to the hearty acceptance of all; and every countenance seemed to indicate a new pledge for future exertions to break the yoke, and redeem America from the shame and sin of slavery. May each heart feel renewed by the scenes and associations at Minerva Hall. In the language of Frederika Bremer—"Who that has striven ardently and labored honestly, has lived in vain, if it be only for a brief morning hour? They may work out no whole, but the spark which proceeds warms and enlightens the night of many a mortal. The work is prepared for others, and this also is good and gratifying. Our little life—how short it is! Let us be useful to each other, and it will be immortal even upon earth."—W. C. N. 

GREAT ANTI-SLAVERY MEETING.

Pursuant to a call extensively circulated through the city, a large audience convened in Minerva Hall on Sunday morning, Dec. 19th, for the purpose of considering the sin of American Slavery, and our duties, as Christians, towards its utter annihilation.

was called to the chair; and and  appointed Secretaries.

Prayer was offered by Rev. Mr..

offered the following resolutions:—

During the discussion which continued during the day and evening, alluded to the powerful influence which the American church exerted against the liberation of the slave; and detailed many facts in the history of the various ecclesiastical bodies, proving conclusively their manifold wickedness and persevering inconsistency with the teaching of Him whom they claim as Master. And in reference to the day, he remarked, that preaching for the slave was a paramount duty, inasmuch as "a man is of more value than a sheep."

censured the clergy for their coldness and indifference to the vital question of American slavery,—"They are by far the most guilty party; for by their position they wield a great influence with the masses; but that influence, I rejoice to believe, is fast passing from their hands. The people have begun to perceive the fallacy of their teachings, with liberty for a text, and oppression for its commentary."

C. L. briefly commented upon the resolutions; remarking that when the ear of the American people can be gained, the downfall of slavery in this republic is certain.

J. C. presented a graphic picture of the injuries heaped upon the free colored people of this land, and the slaves in the southern plantations. Many an eye filled with the sensitive tear, as the speaker portrayed the angiush of mothers and daughters, victims of a relentless tyrant a power; and as he invoked the co-operation of all present to aid in undoing the heavy burden, that the oppressed might go free, the immense audience seemed, by their expression of countenance, "the mirror of the mind," to give in their hearty assent to his appeal.

After remarks in further support of the resolutions, by M. D., and others, they were unanimously adopted.

The meeting united in singing an Anti-Slavery hymn, and with apparent reluctance adjourned. <section end="Great Anti-Slavery Meeting" />

<section begin="Fourth Annual Meeting" />

Pursuant to notice, the Society convened at Minerva Hall, in Rochester, on Monday, December 12th, in the Chair— appointed Secretary pro tem.

On motion, committees were chosen as follows, viz:

ON BUSINESS.

Frederick Douglass, Sarah D. Fish, Nelson Bostwick, Mary Hallowell, R. G. Murray, Phebe Hathaway, Charles L. Remond.

ON FINANCE.

Wm. R. Hallowell, Lewis Burtis, Henry Bush, Giles B. Stebbins.

ON NOMINATION.

Benjamin Fish, Sarah Burtis, Eliza Parker, G. B. Stebbins, Isaac Post—who reported the following list of officers, which was unanimously adopted:

The following resolutions were then submitted by the Business Committee:

Resolved, That as the members of this society, we return our sincere gratitude to the God of the oppressed for the cheering success with which He has crowned our humble efforts during the year now coming to a close; and that we pledge ourselves to a more faithful and persevering application of our energies to the slave the ensuing year.

Resolved, That the zeal, perseverance and fidelity with which the agents of the American Anti-Slavery Society have prosecuted their labors in this State, during the last year and a half, have been well calculated to secure the confidence and approbation of every friend of the slave, and to impress upon the public mind the fact, that that society is the legitimate and true representative, in its principles and measures, of genuine and uncompromising.

Resolved, That the National Anti-Slavery Standard, the organ of the American Anti-Slavery Society, by its open and uncompromising course, the smallness of its price, as well as its high literary character, commends itself to the favorable consideration of all persons; and each individual is earnestly desired to use his exertions to extend its circulation in their respective neighborhoods.

Resolved, That we most cordially welcome our distinguished friends and well tried fellow laborers, and, editors and publisher of the "," and pledge them our co-operation, aid and support during the war.

Resolved, That we hail with joy the appearance ol the "NORTH STAR", trusting that in its light many a bondman shall find his liberty; and that its rays will even pierce the prison-house, exposing to the gaze of the world, the dark and damning deeds which are there committed, until not a slave shall be found upon American soil.

Resolved, That we learn with the highest gratification, that the American Slave System is on the eve of receiving a most powerful, if not fatal blow, from the cultivation of free grown cotton on the fertile soil of British India, and that we extend our most cordial acknowledgements to, for his recent eloquent and able effort before his constituency, to awaken an interest throughout England and the world, in this noble and praiseworthy enterprise; and that we pledge to him our warmest sympathy in the great work he has so boldly and successfully commenced.

Resolved, That the recent demonstration of American sympathy in the city of New York, with Pope Pius IX, in his noble efforts to extend constitutional liberty to the people of Italy, while we are carrying on an extensive system of butchery in Mexico for her subversion, is the enactment of another disgusting manœuvre for the purpose of turning off attention from the slaughter of Mexican Catholics, by a show of sympathy with the Catholics of Italy: and that America will never be in a reasonable position to sympathise with the oppressed, or to denounce and rebuke oppression of foreign lands, while under the star-spangled banner three millions of her people pine in hopeless bondage, and our national capital is a revolting slave market.

Resolved, That we sincerely mourn the death of Rev., whose rare talents, unbending integrity and generous affections were cheerfully dedicated to the cause of the poor and oppressed, and gave promise of usefulness to man and glory to God. His memory is deeply enshrined in the hearts of many who survive him, inciting them to virtuous deeds, and the blessings of those that were ready to perish have gone with him to that other land.

Resolved, That in the death of the slave has lost a friend whose voice, whose pen, whose time and whose money were freely and liberally given to his redemption and we are admonished to do quickly what we have to do; for to-morrow we die.

Resolved, That the late message of the President of the United States ts a tissue of falsehoods,—the assertion that our country was invaded by the army of Mexico, a wanton and deliberate lie, and is known to be such by every intelligent citizen; indeed, it is known that the object for which the war was declared is, the extension of slavery; and that portion relating to the Amistad captives is but another of the many commands of the South to bow down to the image.

Resolved, That we are convinced by every developement and demonstration of slavery daily coming under our observation, that the only way by which we can faithfully and fully maintain our fidelity to the slave and the God of the slave, is to re-affirm and carry out the doctrine of, and seek, by all rightful means, to bring about, as soon as possible, the rejection of the Constitution of the United States, on account of its slaveholding character,—the dissolution of the American Union,—the separation of the non-slaveholding from the slaveholding States, and the establishment of a Republic in which there shall be neither a tyrant nor a slave.

The above resolutions were ably discussed by various speakers.

eloquently depicted the slavery which, even in the free North, hunts the man whose only sin is the "texture of hair and hue of his skin;" which denies him, in many instances, the common civilities of life; deprives him, in the Empire State, from the elective franchise, unless worth two hundred and fifty dollars in real estate; consigns his child to a prescribed school; subjecting him to all the disadvantages consequent upon an isolated position in society. He also commented with much force upon the late recommendation of Governor Smith, of Virginia, to expel the free colored inhabitants from the State; together with the infamous clause in the President's recent message relative to an appropriation to the Spanish government for the Amistad captives.

, in advocacy of the resolutions, alluded to the first principles of anti-slavery; the opposition they had encountered to the present moment; the influence that American religion had volunteered in aid of the inhuman man-stealer; for, said he, while America is printing tracts and Bibles, sending missionaries abroad to convert the heathen, expending her money in various ways for the promotion of the Gospel in foreign lands, the slave not only lies forgotten—uncared for, but is trampled under foot by the very churches of the land. What have we in America? Why, we have slavery made part of the religion of the land. Yes, the pulpit there stands up as the great defender of this cursed institution, as it is called. Ministers of religion come forward and torture the hallowed pages of inspired wisdom to sanction the bloody deed. They stand forth as the foremost, the strongest defenders of this "institution." As a proof of this, I need not do morethanmore than [sic] state the general fact, that slavery has existed under the droppings of the sanctuary of the south, for the last two hundred years, and there has not been any war between the religion and the slavery of the south. Whips, chains, gags, and thumbscrews have all lain under the droppings of the sanctuary, and instead of rusting from off the limbs of the bondman, those droppings have served to preserve them in all their strength. Instead of preaching the Gospel against this tyranny and rebuking this wrong, ministers of religion have sought, by all and every means, to throw in the background whatever in the Bible could be construed into opposition to slavery, and to bring forward that which they could torture into its support. This I conceive to be the darkest feature of slavery, and the most difficult to attack, because it is identified with religion, and exposes those who denounce it to the charge of infidelity. And Northern churches, ministers and professors were in good fellowship with—nay, more, in many instances defenders of—the great abomination. A glance was directed to the late demonstration of American sympathy with Pope Pius IX, in his efforts for Catholic emancipation, showing it to be inconsistent, while we are yet a nation of slaveholders, to express sincere sympathy for the oppressed of other lands. Well might the rebuke be given—

<poem style = "display:table; line-height:126%; font-size:90%; margin-left:auto; margin-right:auto; width:auto;"> Go loose your fettered slaves at home, Then turn and ask the like of us."

A well merited and glowing tribute was rendered, the new member of Parliament for the Tower Hamlets, for his unceasing efforts to promote the East India cotton reform, and, through that, the abolition of American Slavery.

The Mexican war; the pro-slavery position of political parties; our responsibilities in the slavery question now being agitated and affecting all phases of society, North and South—these and other kindred topics served as fruitful themes for the several speakers, keeping the audience in close attention, save when they felt free to manifest their loud and earnest approval of the eloquent outbursts and indignant utterings, the usual characteristics of an anti-slavery meeting.

The resolutions were adopted at a late hour. Three cheers for liberty were proposed and heartily given, when the large concourse separated. We trust each member resolved to do what in him lay for the downfall of tyranny in this otherwise happy republic.

J. C. HATHAWAY, Pres't.

, Sec'y. <section end="Fourth Annual Meeting" />

<section begin="Correspondence" />CORRESPONDENCE.

We give our readers the following letters, at the hazard of incurring the charge of egotism. We think it due to them, to make them acquainted with the feelings of our friends, as well as our foes concerning our enterprise. We will, however, promise that far less will be said about [sic]ourself in future numbers, than appears m this week's paper. Some notices of us, copied from other papers, would have been excluded had we been at our post when they were selected. We beg of friends who favor us with communications, to write as much about the cause as possible, and dispense with as much about "the North Star" as they can conveniently.

We gratefully acknowledge the following letter from Gerrit Smith, Esq., including us among the recipients of his generous donation of land in this state. The favor is one we did not expect, and is the more highly valued on this account. We have long desired, but have never yet had the pleasure of an acquaintance with this distinguished friend of the slave, and of mankind at large. A difference of views on matters connected with the anti-slavery movement, has served to keep us personally unacquainted. This, we trust, will not always be the case. If our hearts are one, why should a difference of mind divide us? We differ widely from Mr. Smith in regard to the character of the constitution of the United States and the Union; and we are more and more confirmed in the soundness of our views, and the unsoundness of his; and yet there never was a moment since we first read his letter to Henry Clay, to the delivery of his great speech last fall, before the National Liberty Convention, that we did not regard him with grateful admiration.

', Dec. 8,1847.

—My Dear Sir:—I welcome you to the State of New York. In this, your new home, may you and yours, and your labors of love for your oppressed race, be all greatly blessed of God.

Above is my draft for five dollars, to pay for two years' subscription to your forthcoming paper.

Conformably to my purpose of giving to 3000 colored inhabitants of this State the principal share of my lands, which are fit for farming, I made out 2000 deeds last year: I am now busy, with my clerks, in making out the remaining 1000. Inasmuch as you and Mr. Nell have become inhabitants of this State, I fed at liberty to convey a parcel of land to each of you. Herewith are the deeds. I wish that the land was in a less rigorous clime; but it is smooth and arable, and not wanting in fertility. Forty acres—that is, a quarter of the same lot of which I have conveyed a quarter each to yourself and Mr. Nell,—I have given to Mr. C. L. Remond. The remaining quarter will probably be conveyed to Mr. W. W. Brown, who has also become an inhabitant of this State. One of the contiguous lots I have divided amongst four fugitive slaves, viz: Henry Bibb, and the three brothers, Lewis, Milton, and Cyrus Clark.

With great regard,

Your friend and brother,

GERRIT SMITH.

, Dec. 9, 1847.


 * —I hasten to congratulate you on the rising of the "North Star" in the horizon of Rochester. I have read it all with entire satisfaction—much of it with delight. It is a number one, in the best, as well as in the first sense. I hope you will write another letter to Henry Clay, and expose his folly on the subject of colonization. He ought to be put to shame for clinging to that humbug. It is a delusion, however, not yet dispelled from the minds of thousands; and Mr. Clay's commendation of it furnishes you with a fair occasion to kill that dead body once more.

Yours, truly,

SAMUEL J. MAY.

, Ct., Dec. 27, 1847.

—Dear Sir:—",". 1, . 1, is before me. I like the paper very much; and desiring, as they would say in Maryland, to start with you "from the jump," I enclose you the amount of my subscription for a year. I bid you God speed; and sincerely hope that great success may attend your noble enterprise. My own judgment is not worth much in regard to the style of a paper: I have some little taste, however, in regard to the appearance of those I have about me for my own use. My taste is well suited in the style and size of the "Star." The name, I think, is a happy one, indeed. There cannot, to my mind, be a more appropriate name. Let it be, then, what the Polar Star is in the heavens—brilliant, dignified, standing in bold relief, and, above all, so constant to its position, that the bewildered mariner is sure of his reckoning if he can but fix his eye upon it. So it is also to the flying bondman; and so may the "North Star" ever be.

With high esteem, yours,

J. W. C. PENNINGTON.

, Mass., 12th Mo. 17th. 1847.


 * —Having read the "Narrative of the life of Frederick Douglass," I had imagined that a paper edited by the author of that work would be both interesting and valuable; and I am happy to slate, that, in the number before me, I find my most sanguine expectations fully realized. If it had fallen to my lot to have suggested a name for the paper, it would have been most agreeable with my first impulse to have called it, "The Polar Star;" but, upon reflection, I am satisfied that "The North Star" is better, as that is the appellation more commonly given to the beautiful planet from which the paper so appropriately takes it name. I hope, therefore, that it will ever remain as it is, without the slightest alteration. That Star in the heavens, fixed, as it is, to one point, has been a safe guide to many a weary wanderer, on his lonely way from that happy land which is blessed with the religious "spirit of slaveholding, robbery, and wrong," to the more frigid, more monarchical, and, withal, more humane dominions of Queen Victoria. It not only remains stationary in its position, but it is firm and determined in its purpose. It has never been known to betray its trust. The flying, panting fugitive finds in it a friend, which neither the fear of a tyrant's frown nor the love of a tyrant's smile can possibly transform into a traitor. I anxiously hope, and do firmly believe, that this paper will remain as fearlessly fixed to one point, and as really determined in its purpose, as the lovely little planet from which it has its name. Its only point to shine from will be the naked truth—its purpose, "to attack slavery in all its" horrible "forms and aspects," until complete "emancipation" shall be proclaimed to every slave, of whatever color or sex, throughout the length and breadth of this "happy land," which is so strikingly remarkable for its "civil and religious liberty." The government of the United States appears to be fully determined that the whole of her people shall enjoy the rich blessings of her institutions, especially the three millions of colored people at the South; nor is this all: she is so anxious that neighboring nations should share bet advantages with her, that she is at this moment spending an enormous amount of treasure and blood for the purpose of establishing in Mexico that singular kind of freedom which is the lot of her colored people at home. I have only to say, in conclusion, that if the blessings of liberty and independence cannot be enjoyed in the United States, after her present civil and religious institutions cease to exist, I, for one, do not wish to enjoy such blessings. I have not the use of language to express my utter abhorrence of the hypocritical pretences to Christianity and patriotism under which this country groans. Many of those who are actively engaged in the support of the present institutions of America are very loud in such pretences.

With the hope that thou mayest be favored with entire success in thy truly laudable undertaking,

I am thy friend and welt-wisher,

ISAAC. C. KENYON.

, December 17, 1847.

-Dear Sir:—I am much pleased with the first number of your paper, and am convinced thu the principles there set forth, strictly adhered to, will effect more to accomplish the end designed than any similar organ ever commerced in this country.

Time forbids, in this hasty scrawl, to say more, but I intend that you shall hear from me frequently.

Yours, &c.,

ABNER H. FRANCIS.

, Dec. 11, 1847.

—Dear Sir:—I received the first number of the "North Star," through the post-office, this week, the meaning of which, I suppose, is, "Take it, and hand in your two dollars." But I was taking so many papers, and my means so limited, that I said to myself, Can't do any such thing—I have enough now—twice as many papers as I can read, and my means won't allow me to take any more: but I will just look into it, and see what it is going to be. So I read the salutatory—the address to "our oppressed countrymen," and the letter to Henry Clay. Enough, said I; I have read more than two dollar's worth already. I can't refuse. So I have added the "North Star" to my large list of freedom's advocates.

Respectfully yours,

JAMES SPERRY.

We extract tho following encouraging word from the correspondence of a devoted laborer in Ohio. Would that all the women of our land felt the same:

"God speed thee and thy associates in their great and good work. I will take the paper as long as I can command a dollar, even if it be only one I rejoice that the men whose brethren cannot speak for themselves, can and will speak in their behalf.

Yours, for our oppressed

Fellow countrymen,

ABBY L. BRIGDEN." <section end="Correspondence" />

<section begin="Announcements" />☞ and, will hold a meeting in Victor, on Monday evening, 10th Jan. We hope the friends of the slave in that place, will make the necessary arrangements for the meeting.

☞, is now making a tour in Massachusetts, and will receive subscribers for the North Star. He will visit Boston, New Bedford, Providence and Fall-River, and return in time to attend the fair at West Winfield.

☞ is now travelling in the State of Rhode Island, and is authorised to receive subscribers and subscriptions for the. Mr. Watson has experienced the wrongs of slavery in his own person, and is now, by the circulation of books and papers on the subject, and telling the story of his wrongs, doing what he can toward the downfall of the slave system. We bid him God-speed in his endeavors.

☞ will deliver an Anti-Slavery Lecture, next Sunday afternoon, at two o'clock, in the Wesleyan Methodist Church, Main Street.

☞ The will hold its Annual Meeting on Thursday, 13th January, at two o'clock afternoon, at the house of Mr. J. Kedzio, No. 35, North Fitzhugh Street. Members and friends of this Society are earnestly requested to attend.

☞ . We hope they will immediately leave at the office, their address, street and number, that the North Star may be promptly delivered.

☞ We have already been imposed upon by persons sending letters of no interest whatever, to the paper, for which we have paid the postage. All should bear in mind, that letters or communications, to ensure attention,. <section end="Announcements" />

<section begin="Notices of new publications" />NOTICES OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

. By the Rev. Theodore Parker.

This is another stunning bolt from the heaven of thought, upon the head of American Slavery. In the pamphlet before us, we have one of the most concise, powerful, and thorough examinations of Slavery, with which we have met during the course of our anti-slavery reading. Mr. Parker has examined the subject in its various bearings, and has shown himself as much at home in its political and economical, as in its religious and moral aspects. The letter should find a place in every family, and be read and pondered by every person in the land. We regret that our limits forbid a more lengthy notice of this pamphlet. We may give our readers a few extracts from it next week. Meanwhile, we hope to receive copies of the work with which to supply such persons as may wish to read it.

, an American Slave; written by himself.

of this work is just published, and may be had at this office, price 35 cents. It passed through nine editions in England, and has been translated into French and German.

A delivered before the Female Anti-slavery Society of Salem, at Lyceum Hall, Nov. 14, 1847. By William W. Brown, a fugitive slave.

We hare received a copy of this able lecture, recently delivered by our friend and brother, William W. Brown. Mr. Brown is well known in Western New York as an efficient laborer in the anti-slavery field. He declared his independence of slavery but a few years since.

This interesting and useful publication is now passing through a second edition. It is altogether worthy of a wide circulation. Copies of this work may be obtained at that office.<section end="Notices of new publications" />