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 anti-Russian hatred, and that itself is a sufficient argument for reducing Austria to her German Alpine provinces.

51. Liberated and united Poland, liberated and united Bohemia with Slovakia, liberated and united Jugoslavia, so the Pangermans complain, will be a barrier against the Germans; the Poles directly against Prussia, the Czechs and Slovaks against the Prussians, Austrians and Magyars, the Jugoslavs against the Austrians and Magyars. In a certain sense this is correct—a common and inveterate enemy, pushing with all his might against these nations, naturally and necessarily unites them, but this barrier has a clearly defensive character. These three Slav States will not be buffer States; this concept will have no meaning in a democratic non-militaristic Europe, where all nations will be good loyal neighbours. This barrier is given by history and by the position of these nations in the zone of small nations; these three Slav nations, hardened by the age-long fight with the Germans and Magyars, are destined in the coming new democratic era to be the natural barrier against German aggression toward the East—and the Germans will be compelled to limit themselves to German territory.

But the Rumanians and Italians also have realised the threatening danger and have therefore joined the Slavs, even though there have been national quarrels among them; one, therefore, must not speak of a Slav barrier, the barrier being Slav and Latin, the two races forming a natural defensive league of nations against German aggression.

The Latins and Slavs will further be joined by the Lithuanians, Letts and Esthonians. The chain of free nations, opposed to Pangermanism, extending from the Baltic to France, is given by history and geography: Esthonians, Letts, Lithuanians, Poles, Czechs with Slovaks, Rumanians Serbians with Croatians and Slovenes, Italians, and Italians and French in Switzerland. Perhaps even the Magyars will learn wisdom from this war and will realise that the Slavs and Latins will not be hostile to them if they will only limit themselves to their own people. By this natural organisation of the zone of small nations the western nations, Italy, France and England, will also have a smaller burden to carry; there will be no fear of German aggression to the West, as soon as Eastern Europe is organised politically along natural lines and as soon as Austria-Hungary the Balkans and Turkey will be taken away from Germany.

52. Many Germans, and perhaps even Slavs, interpret the war as the conflict between the Slavs and Germans; Kaiser Wilhelm and Bethmann-Hollweg started the agitation for war by instigating hatred against Russia and Panslavism.

That is a onesided and incorrect interpretation of the war. Pan-germanism attacked the Slavs in Serbia and Russia, but that is only a part of its programme, a step to further aggression against England and France, not only in Europe but especially in Asia and Africa. That England, in spite of its inadequate preparation, decided so promptly to enter the war and to enter it on the side of the Allies is no accident. The war is, as was pointed out, a world war in the full meaning of the term, it is not merely a fight between Germans and Slavs. For that matter