Page:The Liberator, Vol 2, No. 43.pdf/1

 THE LIBERATOR.

VOL. II. WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON AND ISAAC KNAPP, PUBLISHERS. NO. 43.

BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS.] OUR COUNTRY IS THE WORLD—OUR COUNTRYMEN, ALL MANKIND. [SATURDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1832.

THE LIBERATOR IS PUBLISHED WEEKLY AT NO. 11, MERCHANTS' HALL

WM. LLOYD GARRISON, EDITOR.

TERMS

Two Dollars per annum, payable in advance. No subscription will be received for a shorter period than six months. Agents allowed every sixth copy. All letters and communications, excepting from Agents must be.

AGENTS

CIRCULAR ADDRESS

TO THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR THROUGH-OUT THE UNITED STATES.

Countrymen, Friends, Brethren,—You are all, no doubt, aware of the oppressive and despotic measures which took place some years ago in the States of Ohio, and Illinois, and in several other States, by which all the colored inhabitants were driven from their homes, and thrust forth as wanderers upon the face of the earth. I am connected by ties of blood and otherwise, with those then unfortunate people. They relied, however, on the goodness of Almighty God, and were animated by the most ardent desire of redeeming themselves from bondage, for those who are in the legal condition of slaves in the States, are not the only slaves, but the free people of color, so called as it were in mockery, are slaves perhaps in a worse sense, from their legal disabilities, their rejection from society, and the utter contempt in which they are held by the whites. Animated by that desire, and that of procuring for themselves some security for the enjoyment of property, freedom, and religious rights, and perhaps by that of shewing to their oppressors, that being trampled upon only roused their energies; after making the necessary preliminary inquiries, a large body of them emigrated to Upper Canada. They were cordially received, protected, and admitted at once to all the rights of citizenship. Here they found the theoretical maxim of the American Constitution, that 'All men are born equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights,' practically in existence—here no distinction of color, race, language, or religion, prevails to deprive a single individual of his civil and religious rights in the amplest sense. When they resided in the States they were taught to believe that theirs was the only free Government, the only country where republican principles were fostered. They were awakened from that dream, by the persecutions they suffered. We find, however, that under this limited Monarchy more real freedom and real republicanism exist than in a professed Republic. We are here, my Brethren, in all respects, upon an equality with the whites—we are as much entitled to our elective franchise as they are, and in a Court of Justice it is not inquired of what color a witness is, but whether he is worthy of credit.

Most of you, my countrymen, have been educated in the principles of liberty and equality. Do you find them exemplified around you? It is far from my wish, wherever you are not persecuted and oppressed, on account of your color, to estrange you from your native country; but if you are so persecuted and oppressed, here is an asylum, here is a refuge, where persecution and oppression, by reason of a different colored skin are wholly unknown. So far as so the civil and religious advantages we possess.

Now, as to the temporal: We are admitted to purchase lands in free and common soccage, without the slightest quitrent, and but a very moderate tax for highways, which may be paid by personal labor, and we are subjected to no other tax whatever. We have two extensive settlements, one named Wilberforce, and the other Colbornesburgh (the latter named by special permission after the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada, Sir John Colborne, who has been a good friend to us.) There are tens of thousands of acres around, that may be procured at moderate rates and easy terms of payment; and we are daily receiving accessions to our number from various States of the Union by way of Buffalo and Amherstburgh, &c. I belong to the settlement of Colbornesburgh, and have had the honor of filling situations of trust and repute amongst my colored brethren. I was lately deputed by them as their Agent and Trustee to solicit subscriptions for the erection of a place of Divine Worship, and a School in Colbornesburgh, in which, through the blessing of God, I have been very successful, in both the Canadas, so that whoever hereafter joins us may depend upon enjoying the inestimable benefits of public worship, and of education for their children. In Quebec I received much encouragement from Lord Aylmer, the Governor in Chief, from the Reverend the Clergy of all denominations, and from the influential inhabitants. You will find, in the same paper in which this Address is inserted a copy of my petition to Lord Aylmer on that occasion; and such was the lively interest excited in Quebec that copies of that document were distributed from the pulpit by ministers of all persuasions, to their congregations.

Our settlement of Colbornesburgh is situated only 12 miles from the Guelph settlement of the Canada Land Company, a place which is rapidly rising to the rank of a city; Colbornesburgh is only 25 miles from the head of Lake Ontario, whence a navigable communication by the Great River St. Lawrence, and its tributary Canals, extends to the Atlantic Ocean, with innumerable and profitable markets between, for the disposal of the produce of these regions. Industry and enterprise will do wonders, and as there is no check upon them in this country to one set of men more than another, we, of African origin, have the path opened to us, as freely as it is to our white neighbors. Colbornesburgh is about 55 miles from York, the capital city and seat of government of Upper Canada, and 145 miles from the other colored settlement of Wilberforce. Though our two settlements are present separate, I believe there is a great likelihood, from my having lately met with Mr. Nathan Lewis, the Agent for Wilberforce Settlement, of both being united, which will form a bond of harmony and strength, that cannot fail to be of benefit to both.

Generally speaking, the country of Upper Canada, consists of excellent good land, with, of course, those exceptions that always occur, of occasional barren tracts, rocks and mountains, and swamps, but it will, on the whole, amply repay the toils of the husbandman, and enable him soon to lay up a store for the infirmities of age, the education of his children, and for the providing them with a future independence.

Countrymen, Friends, Brethren! I have no intercated motives for this address. We invite you to settle amongst us, because we ourselves feel happy and contented—if you feel happy and contented where you are, for God's sake remain there—but to those who are oppressed and miserable, on account of their degraded state in the different parts of the Union, we should be wanting in christian charity and humanity, were we not to point out to them the way we have followed ourselves, and invite them to partake of the benefits we ourselves experience.

PAOLA BROWN

Any further information that any individual may desire shall be willingly given in reply to a letter addressed to Mr. P. Brown, Colbornesburgh, Waterloo Post Office, Gore District, U. Canada.

Quebec, 28th September, 1832.

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The following Petition was presented to His Excellency Lord Aylmer, by Mr. Paola Brown, Agent of the African Settlement at Colbornesburgh, requesting aid to build a Church and School houses for the settlement, and met with the approbation of His Excellency. The object in view is respectfully submitted to the citizens of Upper and Lower Canada, and their aid requested.

To His Excellency, the Right Honorable MATTHEW LORD AYLMER, Knight Commander of the most Honorable Military Order of the Bath, Captain General, Commander-in-Chief, and Governor in and over, all the British Provinces of North America, &c. &c. &c.

The Petition of Paola Brown, of the Township of Woolwich in Upper Canada, one of the Trustees of the African Bethelite Society there located, and agent for the said Society, and on behalf of himself, and his colored brethren of that Society, Most humbly sheweth,

That many of your Petitioner's friends, relations, and brethren, were, as is notorious, expelled, driven away from, and prohibited to reside in, the places of their birth, of their early habits, and of their matured life, in the States of Ohio, Illinois, and other States of America, for no other reason than that it has pleased God Almighty to bestow upon them a different colored skin from their brethren of European descent.

That they sought refuge, found an asylum, and received protection, in the British Province of Upper Canada, where they have obtained lands, and where they endeavor to render themselves peaceable, loyal, and useful subjects, under a Government that assures to them their civil and religious rights, without distinction of race or color.

Being thus emancipated from the House of Bondage, under the yoke of which they lived in the free States of America, and worshipping the Deity of the Christians, with all humility and resignation, and that too in a country, in which all religions are permitted, they are desirous, for the observation of the particular tenets that have been inculcated on their minds, and in which they wish to educate their children, to erect a place of worship, and for education, there, where they are now settled.

That, unable to provide the pecuniary means for effecting this desirable object, they have appointed your Petitioner as their agent, and, along with others, as their Trustee, for procuring subscriptions. Such a subscription has taken place in Upper Canada, as your Excellency will perceive by the list herewith most respectfully submitted to your Excellency, at the head of which will be found the signature of His Excellency, Sir John Colborne, Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada: and your Petitioner, on behalf of his brethren of the said African Bethelite Society, most humbly craves that your Excellency will be pleased to add your name to the said subscription list, with such a pecuniary consideration as to your Excellency may see fit.

Your Petitioner, and his African brethren, aforesaid, feel the more confidence in addressing your Excellency on this occasion, from your being the representative throughout the British Provinces of North America, of that Sovereign, and of that liberal nation under whose auspices they have found a city of refuge in the desert, for themselves and their posterity.

Your Petitioner, moreover, most respectfully hopes that your Excellency will be graciously pleased to admit him to a personal interview, whereby he may have a better opportunity of explaining to your Excellency the motives and objects of his mission.

And your Petitioner, together with his African brethren aforesaid will ever pray for the prosperity of the country of their adoption, and the personal happiness of your Excellency.

(Signed) PAOLA BROWN.

Quebec, 8th Sept. 1832.

A DIALOGUE ON SLAVERY

Col. In the course of our conversation, friend A., I have several times noticed with pain that you use harsh, severe and uncompromising language. You seem to suppose that no slaveholder can possibly be a Christian, or be humane and benevolent.

Anti. What would you have me do? Would you have me cry peace, peace, when there is no peace? Would you have me clothe my ideas of slavery and its unutterable abominations in such soft and silken phraseology, and wrap up the point of my arguments in language so indefinite as neither to enlighten the intellect, or touch the conscience of a single individual? In all discussions, things should be called by their right names. 'A fig should be called a fig, and a spade, a spade' as old John Knox somewhere says. If you really believed that every slaveholder was virtually a thief would you withhold from him his proper appellation, and simply call him an unfortunate man? If so, you would call the murder of Capt. White, a 'sad accident,' and the wretch who lately killed his father a 'naughty boy.' It is the remark of an old French writer that 'language was given to man to conceal his thoughts,' not to express them, and he might have added, to excuse and defend all kinds of villany by a convenient ambiguity.

Col. But do you not think that many slaveholders are 'humane and benevolent' and treat their slaves well?

Anti. I answer no, and you would say the same, did you not deceive yourself by an abuse of words. If a person had been for years in the daily habit of robbing you of your hard earnings and driven you to your task with the merciless cart-whip, would you call him humane, and could you consider him benevolent?

Col. They may be well treated nevertheless.

Anti. In the language of Rushton I would say 'that I deny—man can never be well treated, who is deprived of his rights. Feed me with ambrosia, and wash it down with nectar, yet what are these, if Liberty be wanting?' If you will substitute negro thief for slaveholder in your question it will answer itself. Would you call a sheep stealer, a sheep holder? Of how much more value then is a man than a sheep. That you may see with how much humanity the blacks in Boston were treated by the people and how disinterested their benevolence to them was, please to read the following petition, copied from the original:

'The humble petition of James Fosdick of Boston in the County of Suffolk slater.

Sheweth,

That your petitioner's negro man named Bristol was convicted at this present sessions of beating and abusing Sarah, the wife of John Rice &c. as is at large set forth in the presentment and was therefore sentenced to be whipped upon the two next fair Thursdays, thirty-nine stripes on each day and to pay costs of prosecution, &c. Now forasmuch as your Petitioner as soon as he heard of the aforesaid fact did very severely beat and correct the said negro for the same, much more than he is ordered by your Honors to suffer therefor, and in regard your Petitioner intends to sell the said negro out of this Province the first opportunity.

Your Petitioner therefore humbly prays your Honors that part of the aforesaid sentence may be mitigated and that the said negro may be only whipped thirty nine stripes on the next Thursday, or otherwise as your Honors in your great wisdom shall think fit, your Petitioner being very sensible how aggravating and dangerous the crime is, which the said negro was convicted of, and being very willing that one of the said punishments should be inflicted on him as a terror to others, but is afraid that if he should be so severely whipped two several times it would only harden the said negro and thereby—what? thereby very much retard and hinder the sale of him, which will be greatly to the Petitioner's disadvantage he having been at considerable cost and charge already and must further pay all Court and Prison charges and also lose the service of his negro until the sentence is fully executed, and your Petitioner shall ever pray &c.

JAMES FOSDICK.

April 7, 1721.

Col. That is only an individual case, and it is not fair to condemn the whole body in consequence of the misconduct of an individual. Such a proceeding reminds me of a man, who, having a house to sell, carried round a brick in his pocket as a specimen.

Anti. Let us then examine the whole building and see if the bricks are not all alike. In 1661, on the 2d of August, the town of Boston passed the following law, which was confirmed by the whole body.

'Whereas Mr Thomas Deane hath employed a negro in the manufacture of a cooper, contrary to the orders of the towne, It is therefore ordered, that the said Mr Thomas Deane shall not employ the said manufacture as a cooper, or in any other manufacture or science after the 14th day of this month on the penalty of twenty shillings for every day that the said negro shall continue in said employment.'

What do you now think of the whole fabric?

Col. Perhaps the negro had not served the requisite number of years as an apprentice, according to the orders of the town.

Anti. Ah! I see how it is. You are like the culprit at the whipping post, there is no suiting you, strike where I will. That objection however will not avail you, unless one sin will justify another. Matthew Carey seems to suppose that the slaves in the Southern States are on the whole well situated, because many white people in Europe fare worse. Were you to be robbed of all you hold dear, and thrown into prison, it would without doubt afford you unspeakable consolation to read the account of the 'black hole at Calcutta,' or the massacre on St. Bartholomew's day, and you of course would justify your oppressor, and be happy in your bondage. It must give a thief great satisfaction to ascertain that his brother had committed murder. But let us look a little further. In April 1721, the town of Boston made and passed a code of laws for the better regulation of the Indians, negroes and mulattoes. This code containing 16 articles is too long to be quoted now, but you shall have it at our next interview. On the 4th of May, 1723, the town of Boston passed the following order.

'Whereas great numbers of Indians, negroes, and mulattoes have of late accustomed themselves to attend the burial of Indians, negroes, or mulattoes, which practice is of ill tendency and may be of great inconveniency to the town, if not prevented, for remedy whereof,

Ordered, That all Indians, negroes or mulattoes, shall be buried half an hour before sunset at the least, and at the nearest burying place (where negroes are usually buried,) from the place they shall be carryed through the most direct lanes or streets that lead thereto. And no Indian, negro, or mulatto shall be buryed on the Lord's day, except in extraordinary cases, leave being first had and obtained from two or more of the selectmen, and that one bell only, and that but once tolled for the burial of an Indian, negro or mulatto, on pain of 2s. for every breach of this order to be paid by the master or owner of any Indian, negro, or mulatto buryed contrary to this order, and by the person ordering the burial of any free Indian, negro or mulatto contrary to this order.'

In July, 1728, the following strange and unaccountable order was passed.

'It being found by experience that Indians, negro, and mulatto servants or slaves buying of provisions in the market place, or elsewhere, has enhanced! the price of provisions, for preventing whereof,

Ordered, That no Indian, negro or mulatto servant or slave be suffered to buy any sort of provisions of any of the country people coming into the town either in the market place or elsewhere on pain and penalty of forfeiting and paying the sum of 5s. But it is not to be understood but that any such servant may direct any country people to his or her master or mistress, which master or mistress or other white servant may agree for the same.

Col. Where do you find all these ridiculous laws, and what have they to do with Mr. Danforth's address?

Anti. If you will examine the town records of Boston, you will find them, and if you will give me your attention an hour or two without interruption, you will perceive that all I have said has an important bearing on the subject of immediate abolition, and the guilt of New-England as it respects slavery and its consequences.

Col. I must then call again, for I can no longer stay. Good morning. C—

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