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 by Brandler and Thalheimer, and that represented by Koennen and myself.

Comrades, the point of view represented by us was expressed in the examination of what had occurred roughly as follows: was it true that in the stage in which we then were, we could arm ourselves for a decisive struggle? This we denied. On the grounds of the particular structure of Germany and the particular class relationships and class forces in Germany, we declared that we had not yet reached the stage when we could fix the period for the decisive struggle. We declared that before the decisive struggles would come about, we should have first to pass through a period of numerous and powerful armed partial struggles. We should have to pass through a stage in which the relations of forces in Germany would vary extremely. And therefore we declared that we should have foreseen what had still not occurred before the October days, and to the recognition of which we came only because of the October days, namely, that, as Brandler has already declared, we should have to pass through a period of armed demonstrations and armed individual actions before we reached the decisive struggle.

Therefore, comrades, we represent the point of view that the method or the theory pursued in October, namely, that in the practical circumstances as they would arise in Germany, to jump out of a period of agitation and propagandist activity immediately into an armed uprising, was false. And this was one of the essential reasons why we were opposed to the preparations for the October action.

I now come to the problems of future developments in Germany and what our main task must be. Here again, the breaking up of the counter-revolutionary bloc within the working class occupies the front place. Only when it is broken up will the way remain clear for the possibility of the armed decisive struggle.

I affirm that the bloc will be best broken up during the course of the struggle; but that should not prevent us from clearly envisaging what has to be done as long as the fight cannot be started and still does not exist. We believe that the defeat of the counter-revolutionary bloc, that appendix of social democracy within the working class, is a most urgent and important matter and one which has still be to accomplished in Germany. It must be done, while bearing in mind the actual possibilities as they exist in Germany. It has been frequently repeated here that one of the most important problems of our revolutionary ideology is to create, to mobilise, and to make use of the Factory Councils. This is absolutely true, but the question must be put thus: What are the Factory Councils, and what possibilities do they represent?

In Germany there are 370,000 factories employing over twenty workers, which the law obliges to elect factory councils. In spite of all measures we have taken in this sphere—we have sent special secretaries to the various districts to organise these factory