Page:The History of The Great European War Vol 1.pdf/69

 idea that their true nature as a State, and that the natures of individual Germans, are cast in a particularly superlative and heroic mould, superior in every respect to the natures of other States and peoples. So the Pan-German philosophy of a superstate results quite naturally from a Pan-German (not Nietzschean) philosophy of super-men. The Germans have accordingly persuaded themselves that they are all heroes superior in heroism and ideals to the other peoples of the world; that their State is the super-State, the one great State which stands out as superior to all other States of the earth; that, therefore, the Empire has, and must necessarily have, a destiny of an exceptional character; and that the only destiny possible is the destiny of becoming the dominating Power in Europe and in the world.

In standing as we now do in arms against Germany, also armed, we must not overlook the fact that we are opposed to a nation which, so far as its leading spirits can determine its character, is fanatically obsessed with the idea that it is far superior to us or to any other nation. The German who is imbued with Pan-Germanism—and the mass of the German nation now is—has, to an extent which it is difficult for us to appreciate, a remarkably elated pride in his country and her great past, and a remarkably firm and enthusiastic belief in her yet greater future as the nation of nations, endowed with the right to set herself the high task of guiding the future of humanity. The German army and nation, therefore, now think, and feel, that victory will be theirs as an absolute certainty, and that should there be any reverse it must, at the worst, be merely a prelude to the final conquest.

One of the most striking features of the modern German mind is its profound belief in war and in the supreme value of war, both morally and physically, to a State and to a people.

Apart from self-preservation and defence of one's country, for which all people, even Pacifists, are agreed that war may be morally justifiable as well as necessary, Pan-Germanism regards as the real objects of war the acquisition of territory and the maintenance and acquisition of power.

It is obvious that none of these objects can always be obtained by purely moral and straightforward methods. Perfect morality and candour, associated as they necessarily would be with self-interests, would mean almost inevitably, in negotiations between competing States, at the best the maintenance of the status quo.

Apart from war, therefore, the only means available to a State to attain its ends is by diplomatic efforts, such, for example, as that of "peaceful penetration "; and what is that but the ordinary