Page:The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade.djvu/807

 to-day upon what is apparently tangible security, and to-morrow, both himself and sureties dispose of all their property, and unmolested and quietly depart to another region, and thus the matter ends. In tho majority of instances, therefore, the taking of bail in criminal cases only tends to defeat the ends of justice, and in every case of absolute premeditated murder, where the proof is clear, or sufficient to convict, is [sic]tatamount to an acquittal of the criminal

The fact that we have no sufficient prisons for the safe-keeping of the murderer, affords no argument for the passage of the bill. This want can soon be supplied, and it will be better far to commence the work at once, than to adopt a law which must remove the almost only restraint that now exists upon murderous inclinations and passions. There is no necessity for deliberate murderers to be set free, on bail or otherwise, for want of a prison to keep them in lengthy confinement. Frequent sessions of the courts, early trials, and speedy executions, will dispose of such cases, and give to the people confidence in the judiciary and the laws, and a sense of security of which they have so long been deprived.

Remove or weaken any one of the safeguards we now possess against criminals and crime, and the peace we enjoy must measurably be shaken. Hence it becomes a subject of the utmost importance, not only to guard against such a result, but to adopt, if possible, laws which will strengthen the general confidence, by making the barriers to the escape of the criminal even more firm and impassable.

Let it be established and universally known, that "though hand joined in nand, the guilty shall not go unpunished;" that the blood-stained murderer, once in the hands of the authorities, shall have no possibility or hope of escape; that he who wilfully and deliberately sheds the blood of his fellow-man shall surely suffer the penalty by which his life is forfeit, and our laws will be more respected, fewer crimes will be committed, and the community will repose in far greater security and peace.

Lecompton, K. T., January 22d, 1857.

It was during this session that an attempt was made to assassinate the governor, by one Sherrard, whom the governor had refused to commission as a sheriff. A few days after Sherrard was himself shot down, in a melee at a public meeting in Lecompton, by a man whom he had assaulted.

The most important act of this legislature was the passage of the "Census Bill." On the part of the free state men, this bill was objected to on the ground that it would deprive many citizens of the elective franchise who had temporarily left the territory, and could not return early in March, as the river would not then be navigable.

It provides for the taking of a census, preparatory to an election to be held in June, 1857, for delegates to a convention to frame a state constitution, to be presented to the next congress for its approval. No citizen to be allowed to vote who was not in the territory on or before the 15th of March. "The census-takers and judges of election were the sheriffs and other officers appointed by the pro-slavery party. By this arrangement, hundreds of free state men