Page:The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade.djvu/635

 and that no one expects or desires that it should pass. Mr. President, what was the compromise line? Allow me to read the law which established it:

"Sec. 8. And be it further enacted,That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36° and 30' north latitude, not included within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and is hereby, forever prohibited."

Now, sir, what is that provision? It is intervention north of the line of 36° 30', and non-intervention south of that line. Why, sir, there is not one southern senator on this floor, and not one southern member of the other house, nor indeed a southern man who understands the subject, who would accept that line as a proper settlement of this question. Why, sir, the whole doctrine of equal rights and of non-intervention is taken away by it at once. Why, sir, putting out of view the constitutional objections to such an arrangement, it gives the south nothing, while it prohibits the people north of 36° 30' from exercising their own will upon the subject. The true doctrine of non-intervention leaves the whole question to the people, and does not divide their right of decision by a parallel of latitude. If they choose to have slavery north of that line, they can have it. Is there a senator on this floor who would accept of a proposition to apply the principle of non-intervention to a part of the territory, leaving to the people of the other portion to do as they please? No, sir; there is not a southern senator here who would vote for it. I will tell you what would be voted for, has already been announced — a law declaratory, mandatory, or permissory, for the establishment of slavery south of the line of 36° 30'. The distinguished senator from South Carolina might be willing to accept a' declaration that slavery does now exist, or that it shall exist, or may exist, south of a certain line; but I take it for granted that no senator from the south would be willing to abandon the ground of non-intervention, without some provision like that. Well, then, Mr. President, if these things are impossible — if they cannot be done — it remains to inquire what it is in our power to do. My own opinion is, sir, that we should take up the bill for the recapture of fugitive slaves, reported by the judiciary committee. I am disposed to suspend all our discussions, and to lay aside all other business, with a view to act upon that bill, without unnecessary delay, and to pass it in such a form as would be acceptable to a majority of this body. That is a point upon which the south feels most acutely, and in regard to which it has the most serious cause of complaint. I have heard but one man in this body deny the existence of this evil, or the justice and necessity of providing an adequate remedy. If I understand the senator from New York, (Mr. Seward,) he intimated his belief that it was immoral to carry into effect the provision of the constitution for the recapture of fugitive slaves. That, sir, is a very strange view of the duties of a senator in this body. No man should come here who believes that ours is an immoral constitution; no man should come here, and, by the solemn sanction of an oath, promise to support an immoral constitution. No man is compelled to take an oath to support it. He may live in this country, and