Page:The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade.djvu/547

 that the idea of checking the extension of domestic slavery was hut a hollow and hypocritical pretext to cover political designs. He did not think the extension of slave territory and the increase of the slaveholding population would increase the number of slaves. Instead of this, annexation would rather prevent such increase. We stand entirely on the defensive; we desire safety, not power, and we must have it. Give us safety and repose, by doing what all your most trusted and distinguished statesmen have been so long anxious to do. Give them to us by restoring what you wantonly and unconstitutionally deprived us of. Give us this just and humble boon, by repairing the violated integrity of your territory, by augmenting your wealth and power, by extending the empire of law, liberty, and Christianity."

In the house of representatives, on the 12th of December, 1837, Mr. Adams presented a large number of memorials against the annexation of Texas, and moved that these and all others presented by himself and his colleagues at the extra session, be referred to a select committee. His colleagues had assented to approve the motion. Mr. Howard, of Maryland, having moved their reference to the committee on foreign affairs, Mr. Adams expressed his views on the question of annexation in a manner which subjected him to several interruptions.

Mr. Adams said he and his colleagues viewed this question as one which involved even the integrity of the union — a question of the most deep, abiding and vital interest to the whole American nation. "For," said he, "in the face of this house, and in the face of Heaven, I avow it as my solemn belief that the annexation of an independent foreign power to this government would, ipso facto, be a dissolution of this Union. And is this a subject for the peculiar investigation of your committee on foreign affairs?" Mr. A. said the question involved was, whether a foreign nation — acknowledged as such in a most unprecedented and extraordinary manner, by this government, a nation 'damned to everlasting fame' by the reïnstitution of that detestable system, slavery, after it had once been abolished within its borders — should be admitted into union with a nation of freemen. "For, sir," said Mr. A., "that name, thank God, is still ours! And is such a question as this to be referred to a committee on foreign affairs?"

Mr. A. said the exact grounds upon which the memorialists based their prayer were not officially known to the house. He had presented one hundred and ninety petitions upon this subject, signed by some twenty thousand persons, and his colleagues had presented collectively a larger number. Members from other states had also presented similar memorials; but his colleagues had thought it fitting to move the reference to a select committee of those only which he and they had presented. All had the same object; and they contained nothing that had the least connection with the foreign affairs of the country.

These memorialists from Massachusetts, Mr. A. said, had observed with alarm and terror the conduct of the government towards Mexico, during the last, and as far as it had gone, of the present administration, in relation to the