Page:The History of Slavery and the Slave Trade.djvu/484

 congress to guard against the further extension of the intolerable evil and the crying enormity of slavery.

The expediency of this measure is very apparent. The opening of an extensive slave market will tempt the cupidity of those who, otherwise, perhaps, might gradually emancipate their slaves. We have heard much, Mr. Chairman, of the colonization society; an institution which is the favorite of the humane gentlemen in the slaveholding states. They have long been lamenting the miseries of slavery, and earnestly seeking for a remedy compatible with their own safety and the happiness of their slaves. At last the great desideratum is found — a colony in Africa for the emancipated blacks. How will the generous intentions of these humane persons be frustrated if the price of slaves is to be doubled by a new and boundless market? Instead of emancipation of the slaves, it is much to be feared that unprincipled wretches will be found kidnapping those who are already free, and transporting and selling the hapless victims into hopeless bondage. Sir, I really hope that congress will not contribute to discountenance and render abortive the generous and philanthropic views of this most worthy and laudable society. Rather let us hope that the time is not very remote, when the shores of Africa, which have so long been a scene of barbarous rapacity and savage cruelty, shall exhibit a race of free and enlightened people — the offspring, indeed, of cannibals or slaves; but displaying the virtues of civilization and the energies of independent freemen. America may then hope to see the development of a germ, now scarcely visible, cherished and matured under the genial warmth of our country's protection, till the fruit shall appear in the regeneration and happiness of a boundless continent.

One argument still remains to be noticed. It is said that we are bound, by the treaty of cession with France, to admit the ceded territory into the Union "as soon as possible." It is obvious that the president and the senate, the treaty-making power, cannot make a stipulation with any foreign nation in derogation of the constitutional powers and duties of this house, by making it imperative on us to admit the new territory according to the literal tenor of the phrase; but the additional words in the treaty, "according to the principles of the constitution," put it beyond all doubt that no such compulsory admission was intended, and that the republican principles of our constitution are to govern us in the admission of this, as well as all the new states in the national family.

Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, rose: Sir, said he, it has been my desire and my intention to avoid any debate on the present painful and unpleasant subject. When I had the honor to submit to this house the amendment now under consideration, I accompanied it with a declaration that it was intended to confine its operation to the newly acquired territory across the Mississippi; and I then expressly declared that I would in no manner intermeddle with the slaveholding states, nor attempt manumission in any one of the original states in the Union. Sir, I even went further, and stated that I was aware of the delicacy of the subject, and that I had learned from southern gentlemen the