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 Review of Periodicals "What India wants is a combination of Indian gentleness with English strength, jus tice and straightforwardness.; We must be strong, and quit us like men, as well as be sympathetic and loving. The Indian Mutiny would never have come to a head if it had not been for the weakness of the officers, and our present anarchy is largely due to the weakness displayed as regards Sir Bampfylde Fuller." The truth of course is that India does not want a "combination with English strength." It wishes at the bottom of its heart to be governed sympathetically and tolerantly by a foreign nation simply because it does not know how to govern itself. That it does not is the opinion of this writer:— "The Effects of British Rule in India." By Sir Edmund C. Cox. Nineteenth Century' v. 66, p. 542 (Sept.). "Mr. Dhingra . . . considered that we have no right to be in India at all, and that Indians, by which he meant Hindus, should manage their own affairs. . . . These things they have never been able to do. The result of our withdrawal from India would be bloodshed and carnage throughout the land." The upshot of India's incapacity is of course not that the English should be too indulgent; firmness must be combined with tolerance:— "The Effects of British Rule in India." By Elliot G. Colvin, C.S.I. Nineteenth Century, v. 66, p. 527 (Sept.). "The truth is that the policy of devolution of power to the natives of the country is set about with a thousand dangers and difficul ties, and every dictate of wisdom and prudence requires that festina lente should be the guid ing principle in its pursuit. There are many competent judges who think that the Govern ment of India, under the spur of Lord Morley's radicalism, are at present going too fast and are yielding almost too much to popular clamour." Lord Morley's policy truly has its dangers, as will be seen from the following:— "British Rule in India: Its Successes and its Failures." By Sydney Brooks. Century, v. 78, p. 905 (Oct.). "Lord Morley's scheme of reforms is not an innovation upon, but an extension of, the uniform practice of British rule in India. It is, however, a very large and far-reaching extension. . . . Any one, too, who ponders the deep and peculiar cleavages of race, creed, and caste that run through Indian society will perceive the enormous difficulties under Lord Morley's scheme of securing the proper representation of minorities and of saving whatever electoral system is ultimately adopted from becoming an added source of racial and religious strife. Those difficulties have already begun to show themselves in the fears of the Mohammedans lest they be swamped under Hindu votes." Immigration. See Race Discrimination.

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International Law. See Declaration of Lon don. International Politics. "The International Organization of Society." By Pitt Cobbett. 6 Commonwealth Law Review of Australia) 243. (July-Aug.). "One may fairly believe that the form which international organization is likely to take in the immediate future— whether beneficent or otherwise — is likely to depend in no small measure on the outcome of that inevitable struggle which both the teachings of the past and the warnings of the present show us to be depending between Germany and Great Britain; a struggle, let it be noted, in which our own future destiny, as well as that of the motherland, is surely involved." "Alliances With and Against France." By Prof. Edwin Maxey. Forum, v. 42, p. 344 (Oct.). "On the whole, the alliances and ententes, not amounting to alliances, formed by France must be considered as making for the preser vation of the peace and equilibrium of Europe. They must also be looked upon as a skillful and effective attempt in the direction of iso lating Germany. True, a number of circum stances have united to make the work easier for France. But, notwithstanding this fact, we cannot fail to admire the skill which has been shown in removing obstacles, the good judgment used in the handling of what was at best a delicate situation and the substantial progress that has been made." "The Manchurian Muddle." By Edward Harkness. Putnam's, v. 7, p. 99 (Oct.). "Political as well as commercial supremacy in Manchuria, as elsewhere, is a question of transportation control, and until Manchurian railways cease to be political instruments and are exploited, in the language of the Ports mouth Treaty, exclusively for commercial and industrial and in no wise strategic pur poses, the Manchurian problem will continue to threaten the peace of the East." Interstate Commerce Commission. "The Conflicting Duties of the Interstate Commerce Commission." By H. T. Newcomb. North American Review, v. 190, p. 464 (Oct.). "The public is plainly entitled to an impar tial forum in which the relative rights of the buyers and sellers of interstate railway ser vices may be determined, and it is only too plain that perfect impartiality cannot long survive in the unfavorable atmosphere of prosecution. When a member of the Commis sion who has had such long experience in its work comes forward publicly to declare in unequivocal terms that it cannot continue to exercise its executive duties and remain 'a body adequate to the trust' of its 'tremendous jurisdiction' to hear complaints and redress transportation wrongs, it is clear that the necessity for a change is imperative. . . . For the proper performance of such duties an