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The Gi een Bag

those possessing qualities inferior from the point of view of individual action, yet quali ties that are deemed superior by the social judgment and are properly rewarded. The physically unfit may thus be morally fit, but their moral fitness is derived from the prin ciple of association, instead of coming from nowhere, as some writers would like to assert. "The Startling Growth of State Power." By Hannis Taylor, LL.D. North American Review, v. 190, p. 454 (Oct.). "During the period that divides Jeflerson from Lincoln a transformation has taken place in our internal economic conditions, whose results have reversed the fundamental propo sition upon which Jefferson's political theories were founded. Just as he and his followers demanded that governmental power should be limited to the greatest possible extent, and that the circle of individual rights surround ing the citizen should be widened to the greatest possible extent, a majority of the American people, including those who still pro fess to follow Jefferson, are now demanding that governmental power, state and federal, shall be so widened, even at the sacrifice of individual rights, as to protect them against the incorporated battalions the new collectiv ism is hurling against them. . . . "Chief Justice Baldwin, thoroughlyequipped as he is on the historical and scientific side of law as well as on the practical, is a fine ex ample of what an American judge should be. With such arbitrators standing between the individual and the state we have nothing to fear. The solution of mighty and delicate problems still awaits them. In extending national supervision over corporations en gaged in interstate traffic such discrimination must be made as will preserve legitimate cor porate enterprise from destruction." "Shall United States Senators be Elected by the People?" By Henry Litchfield West. Forum, v. 42, p. 291 (Oct.). "The opposition to the proposed change is, however, based principally upon the danger of making any alteration in the system of government devised by our forefathers. The conservatives shrink from changing the Con stitution and insist that a convention, called for the purpose of securing a new method of electing United States Senators, would open Pandora's box. This is, unfortunately, true. . . . Taken by itself, a proposition to elect United States Senators by the people is entitled to serious consideration. If it is to succeed, however, at the cost of a Constitu tional Convention, which is the method sug gested by the legislatures of thirty states, it would be better to let well enough alone." See History, International Politics, Inter state Commerce Commission, Taxation. History. "The Attorney-General and the Cabinet." By Henry Barrett Learned. Politi cal Science Quarterly, v. 24, p. 444 (Sept.). The subject is discussed from a historical

point of view. "The place and functions of the Attorney-General remained for many years after 1789 subjects of reflection on the part of thoughtful men. . . . The act of 1870 making the Attorney-General head of the Department of Justice apart from its more technical details . . . was a mature and honest effort to realize an ideal with respect to the Attorney-General that had been occasionally formulated since Andrew Jackson's day." India. "Political Assassination in India." By Sir Andrew H. L. Fraser, K.C.S.I. Black, wood's, v. 186, p. 437 (Sept.). "It is a noteworthy fact that on the very day on which the Lord Chief Justice of Eng land condemned Madan Lai Dningra to death for murder, he also passed sentence on an English printer for criminal carelessness in publishing articles by Mr. Krishnavarma, which his lordship described 'as being deliber ate and direct incitings to murder, and a wicked attempt to justify these incitings by suggesting that political assassination is not murder.' That the present situation in India is the result of a radical dissimilarity of race and institutions is not to be denied. The English have earnestly tried to understand the Hindus, they have not totally failed, and in the future they may even partly succeed. But the fact remains that only by complete emancipation from such Occidental prejudices as that, for example, directed against the institution of caste, can the West approach the problems of India sympathetically. For most Hindus undoubtedly share the views of the following writer:— "Why I Am Not a Christian." By P. Ven. cata Reo. Fortnightly Review, v. 86, p. 402 (Sept.). "Hinduism is much more a matter of social intercourse and domestic life than of religion, in the proper sense of the word. It is bound up with our family rites and observances. The religious sentimentalism of the Hindus is chiefly directed to the maintenance of caste. . . . "The destruction of caste would mean social chaos among us. But I see no signs of that calamity. I do not say that caste is eternal; but I may hazard the conjecture that it will, perhaps, last as long as Christianity." The British policy of governing dependen cies, as far as possible, through their own laws and institutions, ought to be, and prob ably will be, more strongly emphasized in the future administration of that country. When, therefore, a British review prints as its first article a paper containing a declaration that "the curse of India is caste," one is tempted to think that his misconception is one shared by Little Englanders rather than by true imperialists:— "Some Misconceptions about the Unrest in India." By Rev. J. A. Sharrock. Nineteenth Century, v. 66, p. 361 (Sept.).