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THE GREEN BAG

tecting and increasing the efficiency of the city government. It has made exhaustive investigations of city affairs, such as the gas monopoly, the telephone monopoly, and the water department with its great plans for additional water supply. It does not hesi tate to fight with the utmost vigor such bills as the Ramapo Water Steal, and its counsel and officers spend a great part of the winter on the State Legislature. The Board of Trade and Transportation co operates with other organizations and has representatives at Albany almost constantly. Other organizations looking after legisla tion of one kind or another are the Transit Reform Committee of One Hundred, the Brooklyn League, the Civic Club, and a host of taxpayers; Boards of Trade and other clubs in the local Assembly Districts. That the methods of these organizations are effective is shown by the record of 1904, when only one measure of the many opposed by the civic organizations of New York City finally became law. What this means may be shown by a brief summary of the objectionable measures of 1904, without mentioning bills defeated in preceding years. There were over fifty bills providing for salary increases of officials and employees of New York City to an amount in excess of one million dollars. Such of these as passed the Legislature were vetoed by the mayor on the ground that the city had full author ity to raise the salary of any deserving offi cial. Seventy-five other bills called for com pulsory expenditures by the city of nearly ten million dollars, including a gift of two million dollars to the volunteer firemen of outlying districts of the city. The Metro politan Street Railroad interests drafted and sent up six bills amending general laws in such particular terms as left no doubt as to the results; namely, the revivification of de funct franchises and the gift of new fran chises worth millions of dollars, freedom from penalty suits, brought on by the com pany's own disregard of the provisions of the transfer law, and other favors desired

by the company. Over fifty organizations united in opposition to these bills, mass meetings were held and large delegations sent to Albany with the result that the bills were not advanced beyond second and third readings. A compulsory voting ma chine bill, with the backing of certain poli ticians, was introduced in the closing days and rushed with astonishing speed. Had it become law, independent voting would have been impossible, to say nothing of the vast expense the city would have been under in purchasing machines for each of the fifteen hundred election districts of the city. The gas monopoly of the city, the Consolidated Gas Company, whose fran chises are not as sound as they might be, was behind the Remsen Gas Bill, an amend ment of an old statute, which would have made at least one franchise worth millions more than it is now. This passed the Leg islature, was signed by the mayor, but finally vetoed by the governor after most ener getic work on the part of civic organiza tions. For the 1905 and following sessions these organizations have adopted still more effec tive plans to defeat offensive measures and to support such as will round out the Home Rule provisions of the city. Under the lead of such organizations as the Citizens' Union, City Club, Board of Trade and Transporta tion, Transit Reform Committee and the People's Institute, a confederation which will ultimately take in most of the organ izations of the city, has been formed with a council consisting of delegates from each organization. The officers of this council will keep fully and promptly informed concerning all leg islation, will communicate at once with all participating organizations as to bills that are considered vicious and in danger of pass ing and will inform the public through the newspapers concerning dangerous bills. An aggressive plan will be followed even after the adjournment of the Legislature and the eighty and more assemblymen and senators