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 Abraham Lincoln. society. His occupying the Chair of State was a triumph of the good sense of mankind and of the public conscience. This middleclass country had got a middle-class Presi dent at last. Yes, in manners and sympa thies, but not in powers, for his powers were superior. This man grew according to the need; his mind mastered the problem of the day, and as the problem grew so did his com prehension of it. In four years—four years of battle-days—his endurance, his fertility of resources, his magnanimity, were sorely tried and never found wanting. There by his cour age, his justice, his even temper, his fertile counsel, his humanity, he stood a heroic fig ure, in the center of a heroic epoch. He is the true history of the American people of his time—the true representative of this con tinent—the pulse of twenty million people throbbing in his heart, the thoughts of their minds articulated by his tongue." George S. Botitwell said: "President Lin coln excelled all his contemporaries, as he also excelled most of the eminent rulers of every time, in the humanity of his nature; in the constant assertion of reason over passion and feeling; in the art of dealing with men; in fortitude, never disturbed by adversity; in capacity for delay when action was fraught with peril; in the power of immediate and resolute decision when delays were danger ous; in comprehensive judgment which fore casts the final and best opinions of nations and of posterity; and in the union of enlarged patriotism, wise philanthropy, and the high est political justice, by which he was enabled to save a nation and to emancipate a race. He is the most commanding figure in the ranks of self-made men which America has yet produced.'' Americans are not hero-worshippers. That charge cannot be justly made against the American character. They are not given to much twaddling sentiment. They are an intensely practical people. They do respect, even revere, the memory, in fullest measure,

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of a public servant for his unselfish devotion to public duty. The American people do not regard Abra ham Lincoln more or less because he was a "railsplitter," or because he was ungainly, awkward, and uncouth. Their admiration of him comes from the fact that he was able to discern his great public duty during a criti cal period of the nation's existence; that he discharged that public duty faithfully, unsel fishly, fully. The work of this great publicist, as it appears in the official records, will be ever held in great esteem and in grateful recollection by his countrymen. His public career is the choice legacy of future genera tions; his unblemished life artd noble charac ter will ever remain the inestimable heritage of all loyal Americans. His name and fame will continue to grow in public esteem for many decades to come. It is possible that America may produce a greater American. It is certain that no one would wish to say that she shall not. To say, however, that she will do so is mere pro phecy. Any one can indulge in that. It has slight significance. It is quite enough for our present purpose to know, that thus far, from the viewpoint of this paper, and as we maintain, in the light of the truths of history and of experience, as a distinctively Ameri can product, such a man has not appeared on the scene of action. Nor is it likely that the opportunity for developing such a na: tional character will be offered the American people again. For a man to surpass the martyred President must not only be inher ently great, but there must be conditions— opportunities—that will demand the use of those great qualities. It is maintained, in conclusion, that Pro fessor Smith's estimate of Abraham Lincoln, as hereinbefore quoted, is inadequate, unappreciative, and unjust. It fails to tell the truth. It is neither fact nor well-authenti cated history.