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 Abraham Lincoln. read throughout the Union, did more than any other agency to create the public opin ion which prepared the way for the overthrow of slavery. The speeches of John Quincy Adams and of Charles Sumner were more learned and scholarly; those of Lovejoy and Wendell Phillips were more vehement and impassioned; Senators Seward, Hale, Trumbull and Chase spoke from a more conspicu ous forum; but Lincoln's were more philoso phical, while as able and earnest as any, and his manner had a simplicity and directness, a clearness of statement and felicity of illustra tion, and his language a plainness and AngloSaxon strength, better adapted than any other to reach and influence the common peo ple, the mass of the voters." Shall it be said thai such a man had "no merits'' to commend him to the National Convention of 1860; that it was by "the arts of the politician" that his nomination was made possible? If such an explanation of the reasons for Mr. Lincoln's nomination is accepted, the truths of history will have to be expunged, and the recorded evidence of his contemporaries will have to be disregarded. Professor Smith assures us that "his abil ity, after all, was chiefly shown in keeping that touch with popular sentiment, the culti vation of which is the supreme study of the politician.'' One would be led to infer that Professor Smith regarded "keeping in touch with popular sentiment" as a most reprehen sible quality in any person, particularly, in a public servant, which should be never en couraged. But is it unworthy to keep close to popular opinion? Who is the servant of the people supposed to represent? Certainly, not himself solely. But, instead, those who have invested him with power and responsi bility. In a Democracy, therefore, the ability to measure the popular feeling correctly in dicates something more than negative quali ties in those who serve the people, and should always be encouraged.

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It is doubtless true that Lincoln's close and just estimate of the public pulse, from time to time, was of invaluable service to him as the nation's ruler. It assisted him in form ing opinions. It told him when was the op portune time to publish the Emancipation Proclamation. It guided him in his action with reference to the removal of General McClellan. Mr. Lincoln was a courageous and a pa.tient man. He bided his time. But when the occasion came for action, he acted, promptly, fearlessly, effectively. It is not true, however, that Lincoln followed in the wake of popular sentiment. He made pub lic sentiment, and was able to lead the peo ple, the great majority of them, at least, to his way of thinking and doing upon public questions of immediate importance. This is well illustrated in his method of getting rid of slavery in our fair land. It was no part of the original purpose of the Republican party to abolish slavery in those States where it was firmly established. And it was Mr. Lin coln's first and highest duty, always, to main tain the Union of the States. With the ad vance of the terrors of war, it came to Mr. Lincoln, as it did not come to the ultra antislavery propagandists, that the time was pro pitious for publishing the Emancipation Proclamation. He was not called upon to do so by any behests or tenets of his party. But his great heart and conscience had told him that the institution of slavery was wrong, was inherently wrong. And he was able to measure public opinion so accurately, that when the time came for the promulgation of this great document of freedom, he was handsomely, even enthusiastically, sustained by the people. He did not even ask the ad vice of his Cabinet as to the main proposi tion. That he had determined without any human assistance. Yes, Lincoln was able to keep in close touch with public sentiment. But he was never led by it to the prejudice of the com