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of the duties of the office as "upright, fearless try. Mr. Lincoln's administration did not and impartial." have a more capable and worthy friend than Judge Doulittle did not become prominent, was Mr. Doolittle. The present Secretary in more than a local way, until about the time of State, Mr. John Hay, who bore very inti he resigned the judicial office, m 1856, and mate and confidential relations to President withdrew from the Democratic party. It was Lincoln and his administration, has written: midsummer of that year that he announced "President Lincoln had a very sincere regard his intention to thereafter unite his political and esteem for Senator Doolittle, and consid fortunes with the new Republican party, and ered him as one of the strongest and ablest he ably supported John C. Fremont, thai supporters of the Union cause in the Senate." Mr. Doolittle's letters to his wife during Mi. party's candidate, for President. Mr. Doolittle's pronounced anti-slavery views made Lincoln's administration corroborate and en it impossible for him to remain longer in the force what Mr. Hay has said. These letters Democratic party as it was at that time. And have an added significance, because they were never intended for the public, and give us a by espousing the extreme abolition doctrine, true picture of the great commoner as he that the State might set at naught an enact ment oi Congress, for instance, the Fugitive appeared to those nearest and dearest to htm, Slave Law, Ive was able to secure enough his wife and children. In one of these letters, support in the Wisconsin legislature of 1857 under date of March I5th, 1862, after re ferring to some adverse criticisms which the to be elected a United States Senator over Wisconsin press had been making on his limothy (J. Howe, who was not yet ready to accept a doctrine which contemplated defiance j course in the Senate, he says : "But I will not bow my neck at the dictation of fanaticism, of Federal authority. Of course, Mr. DooXbrth or South. I will stand for the Consti little's ability as a speaker was, by this time, tution, and will sustain the President, and well known, and he had been able to exert a wonderful influence over popular audiences strengthen and not weaken his hands." with his powerful eloquence. Wisconsin was The assassination of President Lincoln was sending to the National Legislature a very the beginning of the change in Mr. Doo able man, and its representatives at Madison little's future political course. He at once sustained President Johnson, and Mr. John knew this. Yet the Wisconsin legislature, at its sos son's administration found no truer friend sion in 1866, passed a resolution requesting and supporter. He writes from Washington, Mr. Doolittle to resign his seat in the Senate, under date of April 26, 1865, to "Dearest because, forsooth, he had chosen to sustain Mary," that ''Johnson is all right," and fol President Johnson and his policy. Mr. Doo-! lows with the remark that the country has little's course may have been mistaken, but it no better friend than the new President. Mr. was honest,—that fact the most bitter par Doolittle was near to President Johnson tisans of another "policy" freely admit. But fnoni the beginning of his term as Chief was it mistaken? Did Mr. Doolittle deserve Magistrate. Indeed, it may be safely asserted the adverse criticisms which were heaped that the relations of the two were very con upon his almost defenceless head because he fidential. In September, 1865, he writes from did what he conceived to be the patriot's duly his home in Racine a letter directed "To the during the trying times succeeding the great President," in which he discusses some local Civil War? It is our contention that he did and public questions with the fullest free dom. A good deal of the matter contained not. Mr. Doolittle was always loyal to his coun-, in this letter is ancient history now, and. per-