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flag of Sumpter had bowed before the breath of actual conflict did he cease in his efforts to avoid the catastrophe of Civil War. Mis information declares Thompson the father of Hoosier Republicanism. Those who stood by the cradle of the party assert that he was the most dangerous foe of its formative period. Firmly convinced as to the political principles of the Republican party, he was unwilling to agitate the slavery question to the point of war. He clung to our constitu tion, then as ever, as the bulwark of our lib erty, and the ultra-abolitionist who colored the early party with the suggestion of uncon stitutional methods aroused all the opposition of his nature. As the head of the American organization in 1856, he bent all his energy toward dividing and crippling the party of Fremont in the State. He, perhaps, more than any other agency contributed to the defeat of Fremont in Indiana when victory in Indiana would have assured a national triumph. Nor did he cease his opposition to the Republican party with the election of Buchanan. In 1860, he antagonized the election of Lincoln with all the power in his command. But Thompson was no laggard. He al ways kept abreast of his times. Upon the ad vent of inevitable strife, he threw himself heart and soul into the struggle for the mainte nance of the union. And no one perhaps ren dered more signal service than this exile from Virginia. In Indiana Colonel Thompson has long been the Nestor of his party. He became synonymous with its fundamental principles. Forming a sort of mystic connection between the struggles of the past and the splendor of the present, he became the fount of inspira tion to all who held his views. For years he crystalized the sentiment of his party in the composition of its platforms. The national Republican platform of 1868 was the fruit of his prolific pen. He presided over the last State convention he was ever able to attend in 1896. I distinctly recall the image of the

"old man eloquent " as he exerted his con trol over that turbulent assembly. He was at that time eighty-seven years old. In view of his advanced age, some doubting his ability to sound the keynote of the campaign, sug gested the advisability of conferring upon him the honorary distinction and leaving to some more vigorous man the genuine duties. In fact the report was current that he was to merely thank the convention and turn the gavel over to Senator Beveridge. The convention was a scene of animation and excjtement. A more enthusiastic and loquacious convention had not convened in years. Victory per meated the air and lent an uncontrollable determination to the friends of the different candidates. The stage was packed. The hot .air was heavy with tobacco smoke, and the confusion of Babel was as silence when com pared to the noise of the floor and galleries. Suddenly the brass band struck up " Hail the conquering Hero comes " just as the con vention caught sight of the white head and beaming features of the aged orator it so loved to honor. A scene of wildest enthusi asm and the delegates fell back into their seats to listen. At first a slight tremor was noticed in the chairman's voice but he soon warmed with characteristic fire, his sweet melodious voice penetrating with clarion clearness into every section of the hall. His gestures became more and more vigorous, the voice firmer and more flexible, and the well-rounded and per fect sentences all combined to make him young again. Entering into a discussion of the issues before the people, he touched all salient points with the energy of a campaigner in his prime. Logic, history and fervent eloquence aroused the partisan enthusiasm of his audience. But the most charming feat ure of it all was that the old man had not forgotten how to smile. Wit, broad humor and biting sarcasm interspersed with argu ment, mingled laughter with applause. The speech was worthy of the man. The speech concluded, he continued at his