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under the sanction of a great name. He has lived long enough, he has done enough, and he has done it so well, so successfully, so honorably, as to connect himself for all time with the records of his country. He is now a historical character. Those of us who have known him here, will find that he has left upon our minds and our hearts a strong and lasting impression of his person, his character and his public performances, which, while we live, will never be obliterated. We shall hereafter, I am sure, indulge in it as a grateful recollection that we have lived in his age, that we have been his cotemporaries, that we have seen him and heard him and known him. We shall delight to speak of him to those who are rising up to fill our places. And, when the time shall come when we ourselves shall go, one after another, in succession, to our graves, we shall carry with us a deep sense of his genius and character, his honor and in tegrity, his amiable deportment in private life, and the purity of his exalted patriot ism.", Says Mr. Baldwin, in his" Party Leaders," an exceedingly readable book : " It might be safely admitted that Clay did not possess the wonderful analysis of Calhoun — that incar nation of logic." In another place in the same book we find the following: "Though Calhoun, to say the least, in the higher in tellect, was fully equal to Clay, or to Ran dolph, he could scarcely be considered then, if at any time, a rival to either in oratory. His manner was senatorial. He was deco rous in debate, singularly free from person alities, making no pretensions to what is called brilliancy, and indulging very spar ingly in declamation. Clay was a more effective popular speaker, Calhoun was a great debater; Clay was a great orator : Calhoun spoke from the intellect; Clay as much from his feelings." I will now add some later testimonials, and, among them, I will present a number of opinions from living men, some of which

have been recently expressed and, through the. courtesy of their authors, kindly fur nished for the purposes of this paper. Taken as a whole I think they show conclusively that Mr. Calhoun's reputation as an orator, writer, and statesman, loses none of its bright ness as the years go by. Mr. Blaine, in his "Twenty Years in Con gress," says: "Deplorable as was the end to which his teachings led, he could not have acquired the influence he wielded over millions of men unless he had been gifted with acute intellect, distinguished by moral excellence, and inspired by the sincerest be lief in the righteousness of his cause. His tory will adjudge him to have been singlehearted and honest in his political creed. It will equally adjudge him to have been wrong in his theory of the Federal govern ment, and dead to the awakened sentiment of Christendom in his views concerning the enslavement of men. Mr. Calhoun's pub lished works show the extent of his parti cipation in the national councils. They exhibit his zeal, the intensity of his convic tions, and at the same time the clearness and strength of his logic. His premises once admitted, it is difficult to resist the force of his conclusions. As vice-president, secre tary of state, above all as senator from South Carolina, he gained lasting renown. His life was eminently pure, his career exceptional, his fame established beyond the reach of calumny, beyond the power of de traction." Said ex-President Davis: "Mr. Webster, who had been his great intellectual oppo nent but, nevertheless, his warm personal friend, when speaking, on the occasion of his death, manifested deeper emotion than I ever knew him to exhibit on any other oc casion. He impressively said, 'nothing that was selfish or impure ever came near the head or heart of Calhoun.'" In 1887, President Cleveland said: "The ceremonies attending the unveiling of the monument erected by his ardent admirers