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soon found that he was able "to take care of i himself." His setting forth in clear ringing tones and forcible language of the views of the Republican-Democrats; his arraignment of the government and his proclaiming the rights of the States and the people of the States, were so lucid and powerful as to as tonish and electrify his audience, who listened to him spellbound for three hours. From that day he became a power in Virginia and, soon after, in Congress. For fourteen consecutive years he continued to represent his district. During the first half of that period he was the champion and leader of his party. His force in debate and keenness in argument, his readiness in repartee and skill in denun ciation, vituperation and invective, made him a terror to his opponents, and at times caused apprehension among his friends, against whom he would, on occasion, direct the torrent of his eloquence. When Jefferson and the Republican-Dem ocrats came into power, in 1800, John Ran dolph was put at the head of the Committee on Ways and Means, a most arduous position in the moneyless condition of the country. To the labor and difficulties of that respon sible place he applied himself with untiring attention; and his honest purpose to curtail the expenses of the government and lessen the burden of taxation for the people, car ried through many economic reforms. The acknowledged leader of his party, he con ducted it with great skill through such diffi cult measures as the purchase of Louisiana, and the repeal of the Judiciary Bill of the preceding administration. One of his biographers has remarked that no two historians are likely to agree in their estimate of John Randolph's extraordinary career during his first six years in Congress. Speaking of the general government, he said of himself, "I dread its extension by whatever means, and shall always oppose measures whose object or tendency is to effect it." This declaration throws light on many apparent contradictions in his political

course. He planted himself upon the Vir ginia resolutions of 1798, and from that posi tion he never receded. He honestly believed in the principles he professed. He sought to serve his country from the love of it, and never asked personal favor or patronage. Compromise, policy, expediency were con trary to his whole nature. He could neither comprehend nor tolerate them. His perfect sincerity and absolute fearlessness were the principal factors in the influence and even authority which he maintained so long. He was so ardent, so eager, so unused to restraint, he so ill-brooked opposition, that obstacles to what he considered right aroused his whole nature, kindled his fiery eloquence and caused him to attack with equal force all who seemed to obstruct the onward course of sound legislation — whether friend or foe. Many of his col leagues shared his impetuous zeal for re form, which might have crushed and dimin ished the power of the government, but for the fact that the authority to interpret the constitution had been given by President Adams into the hands of the incorruptible patriot and earnest Federalist, Chief Justice Marshall. We of these latter times cannot fail to note how far-seeing and well-founded were the apprehensions of Randolph and his friends that the general government would, in due course of events, become so power ful as to absorb most of the rights of the States, and to govern the nation irrespective of those rights. Notwithstanding his political success, Randolph was a most unhappy man. Dis tress and disappointment at his brother Richard's death and the fatality which seemed to attend his family, plunged him into one of those fits of gloom which fre quently shadowed his after life. Richard had freed his negroes and had left his estate burdened with debt. Anxiety and effort to order his brother's affairs properly, and to provide for the maintenance and education