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until 1874, when he formed the partnership of Jackson & Campbell at Jackson. His father, more discriminating than parents usually are in judging their sons, once said of him : " I would die happy if I could see Howell upon the Supreme Bench. He was born for it. He will get on and do well anywhere, but that is the place he was born for." He died before his son was elected to the Senate of the United States; but in 1878 Judge Jackson was induced by friends, who recognized his eminent fitness, to allow his name to be presented to the Democratic Nominating Convention, for the Supreme Bench. Recognizing the duties as burdensome, and acceptance of such post as a great pecuniary sacrifice, he consented without eagerness. After a hard and close contest his leading opponent was declared nominated. He was actually nominated, and the fact — probably never dreamed of by his distinguished opponent — was soon known to a few of Judge Jackson's friends; but no contest was' made. Where there is pre eminent fitness, it is hard to say what would or would not " head off" a capable man upon an upward career. He might have only demonstrated his fitness and still gone on upward to his present position. He might have ended his career in the drudgery of the Supreme Bench of a State, whose General Assembly has never yet been able to see that it is idle to be jealous of the Federal Judi ciary, when the State fails to elevate and provide for its own judiciary; or he might have gone, grown poor upon judicial honors, back to his profession. The cause of his public successes unques tionably lay in his past application, unswerv ing devotion to whatever duty fell his way, trustworthiness, and character; the occasion of them was the manifestation of his char acter and ability in connection with a ques tion which he saw as one of public morals. The State-debt question vexed Tennessee from about 1873; and a little later, when Andrew Johnson, casting about for a popular issue, first thought of non-payment of public

debts as likeliest to suit his senatorial pur poses, down to 1883, when it was settled. The question of the rights of the bond holders, the "equities" of the people, the differences between "State-debt proper" and railroad debt, and between the beforethe -war-created debt and the debt created by the Brownlow State government, at a lime when the people were disfranchised, is one that need not be discussed here. Part of the debt was corruptly created. Some of it was questionable. It enlisted the blatant demagogue upon one side. It may have enlisted the self-seeking friend of the bond holder upon the other side. It was compli cated, and it enlisted sincere and honest men upon both sides. It aroused a bitter ness of feeling unexampled in Tennessee politics. The view that a question of public faith can ever be a question of political art, of expediency, or even of statesmanship, — the dangerous view that a debtor can ever be allowed to consider and settle the rights of the creditor, — was abhorrent to a large and thoughtful class, to which Judge Jackson belonged. As a private citizen, he was an active and earnest advocate of the "State-credit " view, — at first payment, and then, as the Statecredit advocates were weakened by de sertions to the popular " low-tax " view of non-payment of the railroad debt, such com promise as the creditors thrice offered. In the last fight for the Legislature made by the State-credit Democrats, Judge Jackson, re luctantly and against his private inclination and his interests, consented to stand for the Legislature, as the only man who could carry his flotenal district. After an able and ear nest canvass he was elected. Early in the session of the General Assembly, the sena torial contest exhibited the Republicans, within two or three of a majority on joint ballot, chiefly gathered about Hon. Horace Maynard; the State-credit Democrats, ad vocating the election of Hon. Jas. E. Bailey, then Senator, ably representing the State, and a thorough advocate of payment; the