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��12 THE GRANITE MONTHLY.

��they determined the character of their other domestic institutions. It was intended as a settlement of the questions relating to the organization of these territories, and as a policy to be applied to all territories in the future ; and the statesmen who advocated the adoption of the policy believed that it was such a disposition of the subject, in principle and substance, as would bring a final- ity to slavery agitation.

The passage of these acts was hailed with rejoicing by the people of the whole country. The people of the South felt that, although they were called upon to make a sacrifice in the application of the new policy to these territo- ries, yet, that it was based upon sound principles, and would bring an end to the agitation which threatened an interference with their material interests and constitutional rights. The sectional excitement subsided ; and when, in June, 1852, the two national parties held their conventions for the nomination of can- didates for the presidency, so strong and almost universal was the approval of the principles of this compromise throughout both sections, that they were adopted unequivocally in the platform of both parties. The Democratic con- vention pledged its party to " abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the compromise measures settled by the last Congress, the act for reclaiming fugitives from labor included, which act, being designed to carry out an express provision of the constitution, can not, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, nor so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency ;" and ''That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the at- tempt may be made." The Whig convention resolved, " that these com- promise measures, the act known as the fugitive slave law included, are received and acquiesced in by the Whig party of the United States, as a settle- ment, in principal and substance, of the dangerous and excitmg questions which they embrace ;" and, "We will maintain this system as essential to the nationality of the Whig party, and the integrity of the Union." The Free-soil Democracy, at their convention at Pittsburg, on the nth of August, which was presided over by Henry Wilson, resolved that there should be " no more slave states, no slave territories ;" and "That the doctrine that any human law is a Unality and not subject to modification or repeal is not in accordance with the creed of the founders of our government, and is dangerous to the liberties of our people."

The result was, that Franklin Pierce was elected president, having carried twenty-seven states, choosing two hundred and fifty-four electors ; General Scott, the Whig candidate, having carried only four states, Massachusetts, Ver- mont, Kentucky, and Tennessee, choosing forty-two electors. The popular vote in all the states except South Carolina, where the electors were chosen by the legislature, was for Pierce 1,601,274, for Scott 1,386,580, for Hale, the Free-soil candidate. 155,825, against 291,342 for the Free-soil candidate in 1848.

There was never a more complete or emphatic indorsement by a great people than that made by the people of the United States, of the compromise policy of 1850. The subject of it had been exhaustively considered in both houses of Congress, and the bills embodying it passed by decided majorities. The peo- ple of the country had the opportunity for more than two years to deliberate on it. The two great parties in 1852, unequivocally and without any reserva- tion, adopted it in their platforms, and the people of the country, by a vote including South Carolina, of more than 3,000,000 against 155,825, approved and confirmed it. There can be no doubt but, if it had been proposed to fur- ther confirm the policy by a constitutional amendment, it would have been accomplished without the dissent of a single state. Mr. Greeley, in his work,

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