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1868.] sels, and let us purchase the fastest and best steamers that can be built on the Clyde, since, owing to the high duties imposed on articles used in ship-building, it is impossible for us to compete with foreign ship constructors in building either steamers or sailing vessels. The steamers now run by the French are English built, and of superior construction to the old style of vessels. Why, then, should we not adopt the same class of steam vessels, and drive both French and English from the track?

It may be a selfish consideration to wish to deprive our neighbors of a share of the profits of the carrying trade, when there are apparently enough for all; but as this trade of right belongs to us, we should never allow such a reflection to be cast upon our enterprise as to permit any other nation to snatch this rich prize from our grasp.

The power of a nation is measured by its commercial prosperity, as may be illustrated by that little iron-bound island, England, which dictates laws to the maritime world, and constantly holds the balance of trade against all other nations. As a military power, she is respected by all the world, and she holds, commercially, the same position that we could hold, if we would take advantage of the opportunities that are and will be thrown in our way.

Our ship-building interests are so much neglected that the sound of the ship-carpenter's axe is seldom heard in any part of the Union. Over two hundred and fifty vessels were destroyed by the Alabamas, Floridas, and Sumters, fitted out by the Rebels in the late war, and eighty millions worth of our property has been sunk in the ocean. It should be the aim of legislation to relieve those who have suffered so heavily from the commercial reverses of the rebellion—reverses due to the neglect of the Government in not fitting out a fleet of cruisers able to chase the Rebel privateers from the ocean.

Heavy duties are now imposed on cordage, iron, copper, and other articles employed in this business. Timber is higher in price, and the cost of labor more by one-third than it was before the rebellion. To build a vessel of three hundred tons costs ten thousand dollars more than formerly. Our ship-carpenters, a large class of mechanics, are almost thrown out of employment, and hundreds of families are suffering from the pressure of want.

When our commerce has been reestablished, we must protect it. A commercial nation requires an efficient navy; and although we have paid so little attention to this matter in the past, we must do better in the future. The navy of England has kept pace with its commercial marine; indeed, but for her great arm of national defence, Britain would no longer have her great commercial marine. Her national ships are spread all over the ocean, affording protection to the smallest vessel that carries the British flag. The size and character of the English men-of-war are such that they command respect from all nations, and their commanders are supported in every act tending to the protection of British subjects or British interests.

While we have been frittering away all our resources on doubtful experiments, and spending many millions on frightful failures, England, taking advantage of our experience, has marched rapidly to naval preeminence; and although the issue of the fight between the Merrimac and Monitor reduced her for the time to an inferior naval power, she now stands, as she has done for hundreds of years, the mistress of the seas. The millions we have spent have produced us nothing in the shape of a navy with which we could assert the rights that