Page:The Effects of Finland's Possible NATO Membership - An Assessment.pdf/34

 less joint entry by Finland and Sweden will not generate the same consequences as a stand-alone decision by either country to become a member. Several templates will therefore be mentioned here, while some of their specific effects will be explained in greater detail in Chapter IV.

FULL MEMBERSHIP FOR BOTH FINLAND AND SWEDEN. This will be our baseline for assessing effects but it has variations, since Finland would have the possibility of choosing between different postures. One option is to adhere to what is absolutely required to be a full member but nothing beyond that requirement: this would be akin to Norway’s self-imposed restrictions, with no nuclear weapons, no foreign bases, and “non provocative” defence of Finnmark, with limited allied military activity eastward of 24° East longitude. Another is to choose to add on other features to its membership, as is the case today for Poland and the Baltic States, for instance, which are requesting a permanent foreign NATO presence on their territory. In the case of Germany, the non-deployment of foreign forces and nuclear weapons on the territory of the former German Democratic Republic is based on the “2+4” treaty (1990), which set the terms of German reunification. Conversely, NATO’s decision not to proceed with such deployments on the territory of NATO’s post-Cold War members in Central Europe is of a political nature.

A special treaty regime also applies to the Norwegian Svalbard Islands: Article 9 of the Paris Treaty (1920) prohibits naval bases and fortifications and the use of the islands for warlike purposes. The treaty includes 41 parties, and has been ratified by the US, Russia, China, France, the UK, Germany and all of the Scandinavian states.

The Faroe Islands, an autonomous territory exercising home rule within the Kingdom of Denmark are part of NATO. The same applies to Greenland.

If Finland and Sweden were both to join NATO, their specific posture could differ, as is already the case for EU membership, with both countries in the EU but with Sweden outside of the single currency. 34