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 gia in 2008 led to the suspension of all political and military cooperation among the parties in this framework until the “reset” of US-Russian relations in 2009. After the annexation of Crimea (2014), cooperation was suspended – and remains so.

NATO’s decision to focus back on collective defence (Article 5 tasks) was a direct consequence of the Russian take-over of Crimea and operation in the Donbass. In its Wales summit of 2014 the organisation adopted a new Readiness Action Plan to strengthen its collective defence. The plan included a continuous military presence that went well beyond air policing, established on a rotational basis in the eastern parts of the Alliance in the Baltics and subsequently Iceland, introduced from 2004 onwards. A very high readiness joint task force (VJTF) deployable within a few days was established. These initiatives together with an enlarged exercise programme were meant to consolidate NATO’s deterrence.

NATO’s renewed emphasis on Article 5 tasks has created the perception in Finland of a growing distinction between its members and partners, as the latter do not have equal access to activities taking place in the framework of Article 5, such as contingency planning and force planning.

To balance the consequences of a reinforced focus on Article 5 tasks, NATO offered strengthened forms of cooperation for its partners on the initiative of Finland and Sweden. The Enhanced Opportunities Partners (EOP) programme deepens NATO’s cooperation with its most interoperable partners, including Finland and Sweden. The programme created by the 2014 NATO summit provides better possibilities for these partners to take part in NATO’s exercises and operations and strengthens their political dialogue with the Atlantic Alliance. In addition to this, better access to information and deepened cooperation in cyber defence have been among the Finnish priorities.

On issues relating more specifically to the Baltic Sea region, “28 (NATO) + 2 (Finland & Sweden)” meetings are also held.

Finland’s ever closer NATO partnership. After the initial years of domestic controversies, Finland’s partnership with NATO has become a legitimate part of its security policy. This is commonly understood to be a policy of increasing cooperation with NATO without full membership. The THE EFFECTS OF FINLAND'S POSSIBLE NATO MEMBERSHIP ● AN ASSESSMENT